AUTOBIOGRAPHY   OF 
GEORGE  DEWEY 

ADMIRAL   OF   THE   NAVY 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF 
GEORGE  DEWEY 

ADMIRAL  OF  THE  NAVY 


ILLUSTRATED 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S   SONS 
1916 


COPYWGHT,  tgi3,  BY 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 


PREFACE 

IT  was  my  fortune  to  be  in  command  on  May  I, 
1898,  of  an  American  squadron  in  the  first  important 
naval  action  against  a  foreign  foe  since  the  War  of 
1812.  The  morning  that  we  steamed  into  Manila 
Bay  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  our  navy  and 
in  that  of  our  country  in  its  relations  with  other  great 
nations.  A  battle  in  a  harbor  whose  name  was  un- 
known to  our  average  citizen  made  us  a  world-power, 
with  a  resultant  impetus  to  the  national  imagination 
and  a  new  entail  of  national  responsibilities.  My 
orders  were  to  capture  or  destroy  the  enemy's  force, 
and  to  conduct  offensive  operations  in  the  Philippine 
Islands.  These  orders  I  endeavored  to  obey  with  all 
possible  expedition,  in  keeping  with  the  traditions  of 
our  navy. 

After  the  battle  I  received  so  many  requests 
from  publishers  and  editors  for  contributions  in  any 
form  under  my  name  that  I  might  well  have  con- 
cluded that  the  victory  which  had  come  as  the  climax 
of  my  naval  career  was  about  to  embark  me  on  a 
literary  career,  toward  which  I  naturally  had  the  dis- 
inclination of  a  man  of  action.  Urgings  from  many 
quarters  to  write  my  reminiscences  have  continued 

V 

192138 


vi  PREFACE 

to  the  present  time.  My  answer  invariably  has  been 
that  my  record  up  to  the  time  of  the  battle  had  not 
in  itself  sufficient  personal  significance  to  warrant  an 
autobiography;  for  the  life  of  every  naval  officer 
doing  his  duty  as  it  comes  to  him,  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  President  and  of  Congress,  merges  into 
the  life  of  the  whole  navy  as  a  unit  of  service  in 
preparedness  for  national  defence  in  a  crisis. 

In  keeping  with  the  decision  made  when  I  was 
at  Manila,  my  official  reports  have  been  thus  far  my 
only  public  account  of  the  battle.  However,  after 
my  return  to  Washington,  for  the  sake  of  historical 
accuracy  I  wrote,  with  the  assistance  of  my  aide, 
the  late  Commander  Nathan  Sargent,  U.  S.  N.,  a 
complete  account  of  my  command  of  the  Asiatic 
Squadron  from  the  time  I  hoisted  my  commodore's 
pennant  until  my  return  home  in  1899.  My  plan 
was  not  to  have  this  published  until  after  my  death. 
But  now,  fifteen  years  after  the  battle,  I  am  yield- 
ing to  the  arguments  of  my  friends,  not  only  to 
have  it  published,  but  also  to  write  my  recollections 
of  my  career  before  Manila  Bay  brought  me  into 
prominent  public  notice. 

It  is  fifty-nine  years  since  I  became  an  acting 
midshipman.  Thanks  to  the  creation  of  the  grade 
of  admiral  of  the  navy  by  Congress  in  1899,  I  was 
not  retired  at  the  usual  retiring  age,  but  kept  on  the 
active  list  for  life.  My  memory  stretches  from  an 
apprenticeship  under  the  veterans  of  the  War  of 


PREFACE  vii 

1812,  those  heroes  of  the  old  sailing-frigates  and 
ships  of  the  line;  from  the  earlier  days  of  the  steam- 
frigates  through  the  Civil  War;  from  the  period  of 
inertia  in  the  'seventies,  when  our  obsolete  ships  were 
the  byword  of  the  navies  of  the  world,  to  the  build- 
ing of  the  ships  of  our  new  navy,  which  I  was  to  give 
its  first  baptism  of  fire;  and,  finally,  to  my  service 
as  head  of  the  general  board  of  the  navy  since  the 
Spanish  War. 

I  have  been  through  many  administrations  and 
many  political  changes,  and  have  known  many  famous 
men  both  at  home  and  abroad.  When  I  entered 
the  Naval  Academy,  in  1854,  Commodore  Perry  was 
just  opening  Japan  to  civilization;  it  was  only  six 
years  since  California  had  become  United  States  ter- 
ritory; while  there  was  as  yet  no  transcontinental 
railroad.  At  seventy-five  I  am  writing  in  the  hope 
of  giving  some  pleasure  to  my  countrymen,  from 
whom  I  have  received  such  exceptional  honors,  and 
in  the  hope  that  my  narrative  may  be  of  some  value 
and  inspiration  to  the  young  men  of  the  navy  of 
to-day,  who  are  serving  with  the  same  purpose  that 
animated  the  men  of  Decatur's,  Macdonough's,  and 
Farragut's  day,  and  later,  the  men  of  our  squadrons 
which  fought  at  Manila  and  Santiago. 

I  may  add  that  in  everything  that  refers  to  my 
command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron  in  1898-9  the 
greatest  pains  have  been  taken  to  insure  the  correct- 
ness of  every  detail;  but  in  the  reminiscences  of  a 


viii  PREFACE 

more  remote  period  I  must  often  depend  upon  my 
recollection  of  incidents  which  were  not  recorded  at 
the  time  that  they  came  under  my  observation.  I 
narrate  them  as  I  remember  them.  In  this  part 
particularly,  as  well  as  for  his  literary  advice  and 
assistance  in  the  whole  work,  it  is  a  pleasure  to  ac- 
knowledge my  indebtedness  to  Mr.  Frederick  Palmer, 
a  friend  of  Manila  days. 


May  12,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  EARLY  YEARS 3 

II.  AT  ANNAPOLIS 10 

III.  THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE 23 

IV.  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  ....  38 
V.  THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS 60 

VI.  IN  NEW  ORLEANS 77 

VII.  THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON  ....  85 

VIII.  PRIZE  COMMISSIONER 106 

IX.  ON  THE  JAMES  RIVER 114 

X.  THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER    ....  122 

XI.  SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR 138 

x  XII.  BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY 150 

"  XIII.  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  ASIATIC  SQUADRON  167 

»XIV.  FINAL  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR  ....  186 

XV.  THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY    ....  197' 

XVI.  AFTER  THE  BATTLE 234 

XVII.  A  PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY 252 

ix 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

XVIII.    THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA 268 

XIX.     SINCE  MANILA 283 

APPENDICES  .    .    .    .  , 293 

INDEX 327 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Admiral  George  Dewey Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

Doctor  Julius  Yemens  Dewey 4 

The  birthplace  of  Admiral  Dewey  at  Montpelier,  Vermont  6 

The  school-house  at  Montpelier 6 

The  U.  S.  steam  frigate  W abash 24 

Lieutenant-Commander  Dewey  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine  36 

The  U.  S.  steam  frigate  Mississippi 48 

Captain  Melancthon  Smith,  commander  of  the  Mississippi  50 

Admiral  David  G.  Farragut       56 

Battle  of  New  Orleans,  April  24,  1862      62 

"I  remember  seeing  their  bright  gleaming  ends  when  I 
looked  down  from  the  hurricane  deck  in  my  first 

glimpse  of  the  hole  in  our  side" 66 

Commodore  Thatcher 116 

Captain  Emmons 116 

Rear-Admiral  Dahlgren       116 

The  U.  S.  S.  Agawam      118 

The  U.  S.  steam  frigate  Colorado       134 

Captain  Dewey  at  the  age  of  forty-six 156 

Captain  Dewey  on  the  bridge  of  the  Pensacola       ....  158 

The  U.  S.  battleship  Texas 164 

The  U.  S.  cruiser  Olympia      170 

Admiral  Dewey  and  his  dog,  "  Bob,"  on  the  deck  of  the 

Olympia      172 


xii  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING  PAGE 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  officers  of  the  Olympia     ....  1 74 

The  U.  S.  cruiser  Boston 180 

The  Pasig  River,  Manila 200 

Commodore  Dewey's  diary — the  start  for  Manila  Bay   .  .  206 

The  battle  of  Manila  Bay       216 

Commodore  Dewey's  diary — the  battle  of  Manila  Bay  .  224 

Captain  Charles  V.  Gridley,  captain  of  the  Olympia     .    .  246 

Commander  B.  P.  Lamberton,  Admiral  Dewey's  chief  of 

staff 246 

The  U.  S.  monitor  Monterey 272 

Philippine  commission,  1899 284 

Admiral    Dewey    receiving    Rear-Admiral    Sampson    on 

board  the  Olympia,  at  New  York      286 

The  temporary  triumphal  arch  erected  in  New  York  in 
Admiral  Dewey's  honor  upon  his  arrival  from  the 
Philippines 288 

President  McKinley  and  Admiral  Dewey  reviewing  the 
parade  after  the  presentation  of  the  sword  given  by 
Congress 290 

The  Dewey  medal 292 

MAP 

Track  of  Commodore  Dewey's  squadron  during  the  bat- 
tle of  Manilla  Bay 198 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY   OF 

GEORGE   DEWEY 
ADMIRAL   OF   THE   NAVY 


CHAPTER  I 
EARLY  YEARS 

DURING  my  long  stay  in  the  heat  of  Manila  Bay 
after  the  battle,  certain  angles  of  view  of  the  irreg- 
ular landscape  of  Luzon  from  the  deck  of  the  flag- 
ship Olympia  often  recalled  the  Green  Mountains  of 
my  boyhood  days.  Indeed,  I  never  look  across  a 
stretch  of  rolling  country  without  a  feeling  of  home- 
sickness for  Vermont.  My  ancestors  were  reared 
among  the  New  England  hills.  They  were  of  the 
old  Pilgrim  stock  whose  character  has  so  eminently 
impressed  itself  on  that  of  the  nation. 

A  desire  for  religious  freedom  brought  the  French 
Huguenot  family  of  Douai  to  Kent,  in  England,  in 
the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  There  the 
name  became  Duee.  In  a  later  time  a  desire  for  re- 
ligious freedom  sent  one  Thomas  Duee,  the  founder 
of  the  American  family,  from  Sandwich,  in  Kent,  to 
Massachusetts,  where  the  name  was  changed  to 
Dewey.  He  settled  at  Dorchester  in  1634,  and 
mention  of  him  appears  in  the  old  town  records  as 
follows : 

It  is  granted  that  Thomas  Duee  shall  have  2  acres  of  mow- 
ing ground,  neere  the  Fresh  Marsh,  which  he  hath  formerly 
mowen,  in  satisfaction  for  an  acre  of  ground,  which  he  left  in 
common  at  his  house. 

3 


4  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Later  he  became  one  of  the  founders  of  Windsor, 
Connecticut.  He  had  five  children.  My  branch  is 
that  of  Josiah,  the  second  son,  who  had  the  rank  of 
sergeant  in  King  Philip's  War. 

My  great-grandfather,  William  Dewey,  was  one  of 
the  volunteers  at  the  battle  of  Lexington,  and  his 
brother,  Simeon  Dewey,  was  with  Ethan  Allen  at 
the  taking  of  Fort  Ticonderoga  by  the  Green  Moun- 
tain Boys.  My  grandfather,  Simeon  Dewey,  born  in 
1770,  formed  a  connecting  link  for  me  with  the  Rev- 
olution, of  which  he  had  many  youthful  memories. 
He  was  particularly  fond  of  telling  how,  as  a  boy  of 
nine,  he  had  taken  a  team  of  oxen  to  the  woods, 
felled  a  tree,  drawn  the  log  to  the  house,  and  cut  it 
up  into  firewood  without  any  assistance.  He  was  a 
farmer  in  the  days  when  much  of  the  soil  of  Ver- 
mont was  still  virgin,  before  competition  from  the 
opening  up  of  the  prairie  land  of  the  West  had  led 
to  the  abandonment  of  so  many  New  England  farms. 
I  recollect  him  as  the  embodiment  of  the  old  Puritan 
qualities,  with  his  lip  and  cheeks  shaven  and  a  beard 
about  his  chin  and  throat,  in  the  fashion  of  his  time. 
On  my  first  cruise  in  the  Mediterranean  I  sent  him 
an  olive-wood  walking-stick  from  the  Holy  Land, 
which  he  used  until  the  day  of  his  death,  in  1863, 
when  I  was  a  lieutenant  in  Farragut's  command  in 
the  Gulf. 

My  father,  Doctor  Julius  Yemans  Dewey,  after 
his  graduation  from  the  medical  department  of  the 


DOCTOR   JULIUS    YEMENS    DEWEY 


EARLY  YEARS  5 

University  of  Vermont,  settled  for  practice  in  Mont- 
pelier,  where,  in  a  comfortable  frame  house  of  the 
type  which  you  may  see  in  any  New  England  town, 
I  was  born,  December  26,  1837,  the  youngest  of 
three  brothers.  My  mother  I  hardly  remember,  as 
she  died  when  I  was  only  five.  To  my  father's  in- 
fluence in  my  early  training  I  owe,  primarily,  all 
that  I  have  accomplished  in  the  world.  From  him 
I  inherited  a  vigorous  constitution  and  an  active 
temperament.  He  was  a  good  deal  more  than  a  suc- 
cessful practising  physician.  He  was  one  of  those 
natural  leaders  to  whom  men  turn  for  unbiassed  ad- 
vice. His  ideas  of  right  and  wrong  were  very  fixed, 
in  keeping  with  his  deep  religious  scruples. 

My  early  life  was  that  of  the  boys  of  the  neigh- 
borhood of  a  quiet  street  in  an  American  town, 
which,  to  my  mind,  is  about  as  healthy  a  life  as  a 
growing  boy  can  lead.  I  went  early  to  the  district 
school,  and  they  say  the  nature  of  my  disposition 
led  me  into  a  great  many  adventures.  Certainly  I 
was  full  of  animal  spirits,  and  I  liked  things  to  hap- 
pen wherever  I  was.  Probably  I  had  a  gift  for  stir- 
ring up  the  other  boys  to  help  me  in  my  enterprises. 
A  life  of  Hannibal  which  I  had  received  as  a  present 
fired  my  imagination.  In  winter  it  was  easy  to 
make-believe  that  in  storming  a  neighboring  hill  I 
was  making  the  passage  of  the  Alps.  If  there  were 
no  other  soldiers  to  follow  me,  I  might  draft  my 
sister  Mary,  who  was  two  years  my  junior. 


6  GEORGE  DEWEY 

My  memory  has  kept  no  account  of  the  number 
of  boyish  battles  that  I  was  in.  The  first  day  that 
the  legislature  sat  was  always  a  great  occasion  in 
the  State  capital,  and  boys  used  to  come  in  from 
near-by  towns  for  the  gingerbread  and  sweet  cider 
festivals,  counterparts  of  the  pea-nut  and  lemonade 
festivals  of  to-day,  while  their  elders  were  shopping, 
trading  horses,  and  talking  politics.  For  the  phalanx 
of  our  street  it  was  an  occasion  for  proving  whether 
or  not  the  outsiders  were  more  valiant  than  we. 

One  of  my  favorite  deeds  of  bravado  was  de- 
scending the  old  State-house  steps  blindfolded,  with 
the  on-lookers  wondering  whether  I  would  slip  on 
the  way  and  take  the  rest  of  the  flight  head  first. 
I  was  a  good  swimmer  and  had  plenty  of  opportunity 
for  practice  in  the  waters  of  the  Onion  River,  since 
called  the  Winooski,  which  was  near  our  house. 
Perhaps  some  boy  may  have  since  excelled  me  in 
the  length  of  time  that  he  could  hold  his  head  under 
water,  but  my  record  was  unbeaten  in  my  day.  It 
gave  me  the  authority  of  leadership  in  all  water 
functions. 

On  one  occasion,  when  the  river  was  swollen  to  a 
flood,  I  thought  that  it  would  be  a  grand  exploit  to 
drive  a  horse  and  wagon  across  the  current.  The 
wagon  was  submerged.  I  crawled  over  the  dash- 
board onto  the  horse's  back,  and  he  brought  me 
drenched  to  the  shore.  I  was  less  worried  over 
what  I  had  escaped  than  over  the  reckoning  that 


THE    BIRTHPLACE    OF    ADMIRAL    DEWEY    AT   MONTPELIER, 
VERMONT 


THE    SCHOOL-HOUSE    AT   MONTPELIER 


EARLY  YEARS  7 

was  to  come  with  a  father  whose  discipline  was  so 
necessary  to  a  nature  that  was  inclined  to  rebel 
against  sedate  surroundings.  When  he  returned 
from  a  professional  call  he  found  me  in  bed  in  my 
room,  shivering  very  determinedly. 

"You  ought  to  be  glad  that  I  am  alive!"  I  told 
him  reproachfully.  He  seemed  to  take  the  same 
view,  for  I  was  not  punished,  though  he  had  lost 
his  wagon. 

As  I  grew  older  the  masters  of  our  district  school 
had  such  a  difficult  time  in  keeping  order  that  they 
were  frequently  changed.  Some  of  the  boys  of  my 
age  regarded  it  as  their  business  to  test  each  new 
appointee.  Such  rebellious  manifestations  were  not 
uncommon  in  district  schools  of  that  time  and  cer- 
tainly did  not  contribute  to  scholarship.  My  father 
doubtless  saw  that  I  was  in  need  of  discipline,  and 
he  sent  me,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  to  the  old  Mili- 
tary Academy  at  Norwich,  Vermont.  It  had  been 
founded  by  the  first  superintendent  of  West  Point, 
Captain  Alden  Partridge.  At  one  time  its  reputa- 
tion had  been  so  high  that  it  was  considered  supe- 
rior to  West  Point,  and  many  boys  from  the  South, 
where  the  military  spirit  was  more  common  in  those 
days  than  in  the  North,  had  been  among  its  pupils. 
We  lived  in  dormitories  and  had  regular  military  drill. 
As  an  institution  in  keeping  with  its  original  pur- 
pose, Norwich  had  greatly  deteriorated.  I  am  glad 
to  say  it  has  now  recovered  its  former  excellence. 


8  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Not  long  ago  in  Woodstock,  Vermont,  where  I 
spend  my  summers,  the  judge  of  the  district  court 
there  invited  me  to  sit  on  the  bench  with  him  and 
see  how  the  cases  were  conducted.  I  answered  him 
that  I  already  had  a  pretty  good  idea  of  court  pro- 
ceedings in  Woodstock  from  personal  experience,  for 
the  docket  of  the  old  court-house  in  Woodstock  re- 
cords the  following  in  expression  of  the  view  that 
might  be  taken  of  a  school-boy's  pranks  in  a  staid 
academy  town  in  the  early  fifties: 

WINDSOR  COUNTY  COURT 
Dec.  Term,  1854. 

THE  STATE  CONVERSE  &  BASSETT 

vs.  For  COMSTALK. 

LLOYD  E.  BOWERS, 
GORDON  S.  HUBBARD, 
DANIEL  COMSTALK, 
GEORGE  DEWEY  and 
MARTIN  V.  B.  WASSON. 

As  will  be  seen,  Cornstalk  was  the  only  one  of 
us  who  had  a  lawyer.  The  five  culprits  had  stood 
outside  the  window  of  a  room  where  hymns  were 
being  sung  and  broken  up  the  meeting  by  a  rival 
concert  of  our  own,  made  up  mostly  of  negro  mel- 
odies. Life  in  that  school  provided  us  with  little 
relaxation.  The  very  insistence  of  the  authorities 
on  continual  study  in  a  solemn  manner  was  bound 
to  awaken  the  spirit  of  mischief.  Our  invention  of 
a  means  of  amusement  to  make  up  for  the  absence 


EARLY  YEARS  9 

of  any  in  the  curriculum  brought  our  arrest  and  an 
order  to  appear  before  the  court  at  Woodstock. 

My  allowance  being  pretty  small,  I  worried  ter- 
ribly over  how  I  was  going  to  pay  my  hotel  and 
travelling  expenses;  and  also  as  to  what  my  father, 
with  his  strict  ideas,  would  say  about  it  all.  How- 
ever, I  summoned  the  courage  and  wrote  him  the 
truth.  Of  course,  he  sent  me  the  money,  but  the 
letter  accompanying  the  remittance  was  rather  tart. 
He  declared  that  in  the  start  of  my  educational 
career  away  from  home  I  had  accomplished  more 
than  he  had  expected.  Indeed,  I  had  made  such 
progress  that  he  was  convinced  that  I  needed  no 
further  education,  and  my  evident  knowledge  of  the 
ways  of  the  world  should  make  me  equal  to  under- 
taking the  battle  of  life  at  once. 


CHAPTER  II 
AT  ANNAPOLIS 

AT  the  time  that  I  left  Norwich,  1854,  West 
Point  had  a  great  name  as  a  disciplinary  institution. 
There  boys  had  to  obey.  Annapolis  was  not  then 
so  well  known  as  West  Point,  being  only  nine  years 
old.  We  owe  the  efficiency  of  the  personnel  of  our 
navy  to  Annapolis ;  and  we  owe  Annapolis  to  George 
Bancroft,  a  man  of  singular  versatility  of  talent  and 
singular  sturdiness  and  decisiveness  of  character.  He 
not  only  wrote  the  standard  history  of  the  United 
States  which  bears  his  name,  but  he  was  also  min- 
ister to  Berlin  and  secretary  of  the  navy. 

When  he  saw  that,  with  the  development  of 
naval  science,  a  school  was  as  necessary  for  train- 
ing officers  for  the  navy  as  one  for  training  officers 
for  the  army,  his  proposition  met  with  the  imme- 
diate opposition  of  the  veteran  officers  of  the  service. 
Their  disparagement  was  sufficient  to  prevent  Con- 
gress from  appropriating  money  to  give  the  new  in- 
stitution a  start.  But  this  did  not  discourage  Mr. 
Bancroft.  He  went  right  ahead  with  what  resources 
he  could  command.  At  Annapolis  there  was  old 
Fort  Severn,  which  had  been  deserted.  In  want  of 
funds  for  buildings,  he  secured  the  use  of  the  build- 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  n 

ings  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  force  that 
formerly  manned  the  fort.  The  barracks  which 
had  housed  privates  of  artillery  became  the  dormi- 
tories of  the  future  officers  of  the  navy.  Henry  H. 
Lockwood,  a  former  army  officer  and  a  graduate  of 
West  Point,  was  appointed  professor  of  mathematics 
and  became  the  chief  instructor.  Most  of  the  other 
instructors  were  civilians.  Their  assistants  were 
young  officers  of  the  navy. 

While  the  majority  of  the  old  officers  poked  fun 
at  the  idea,  one  of  the  progressives,  Franklin  Bu- 
chanan, a  Marylander,  was  Bancroft's  energetic  aid 
in  the  organization  of  the  academy.  Buchanan  re- 
signed from  the  navy  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War;  but  when  he  found  that  his  own  State,  Mary- 
land, had  not  seceded,  he  tried  to  withdraw  his  resig- 
nation. This  being  refused,  he  joined  the  enemy. 
He  commanded  the  Merrimac  in  her  raid  in  Hamp- 
ton Roads,  at  which  time  he  was  wounded.  This 
made  him  the  hero  of  the  Confederate  navy.  He 
was  in  command  at  Mobile  Bay  against  Farragut. 
It  is  one  of  the  anomalies  of  history  that  one  who 
had  such  strict  loyalty  to  State's  as  opposed  to 
national  rights  should  have  been  the  most  conspicu- 
ous organizer  of  that  school  whose  graduates,  in  the 
Spanish  War,  struck  the  blows  which  did  so  much 
to  unite  the  North  and  the  South  in  a  new  feeling  of 
national  unity  before  the  world. 

Too  frequently  credit  for  the  Naval  Academy 


12  GEORGE  DEWEY 

has  been  given  to  Buchanan  rather  than  to  Ban- 
croft. It  is  related  that  Bancroft  used  to  get  much 
out  of  patience  with  the  old  officers.  In  those  days 
the  men  on  the  captain's  list  received  their  assign- 
ments to  ships  in  rotation,  without  regard  to  their 
fitness.  A  great  many  of  the  captains  were  not  only 
old,  but  their  habits,  as  the  legacy  of  the  hard-living 
days  of  the  War  of  1812,  scarcely  promoted  efficiency 
in  their  declining  years.  Indeed,  it  was  still  the  cus- 
tom to  serve  out  two  rations  of  grog  every  day  to 
the  sailors,  while  officers  of  the  broadside  school  did 
not  limit  themselves  to  any  stated  number.  One  of 
the  veterans  was  so  conspicuously  unfit  that  Ban- 
croft passed  him  by  when  it  came  his  turn  to  have  a 
ship.  He  wrote  to  the  secretary  in  great  indigna- 
tion, wanting  to  know  what  he  had  done  that  he 
should  have  been  overlooked  in  that  fashion  after  a 
long  career  in  his  country's  service.  Bancroft  wrote 
back,  "Nothing!"  which  was  exactly  what  that  cap- 
tain had  been  doing  for  a  good  many  years. 

Competitive  examinations  were  not  yet  the  rule 
in  my  time  in  choosing  candidates  for  either  West 
Point  or  Annapolis.  Appointments  were  due  en- 
tirely to  the  political  favor  of  representatives  in 
Congress.  There  was  no  vacancy  for  West  Point 
from  Vermont.  Otherwise,  I  might  have  gone  into 
Manila  Bay  on  an  army  transport  instead  of  on  the 
Olympia. 

But  it  happened  that  there  was  a  vacancy  at 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  13 

Annapolis.  A  boy  by  the  name  of  George  Spaul- 
ding,  of  Montpelier,  received  the  appointment  at 
first,  but  decided  that  he  would  not  take  it.  My  fa- 
ther, through  his  influence  with  Senator  Foote,  had 
me  made  Spaulding's  successor.  Spaulding  became 
a  distinguished  clergyman.  Perhaps  he  was  better 
suited  for  that  than  to  be  a  sailor.  Certainly  I 
was  better  suited  to  be  a  sailor  than  a  clergyman. 
I  recollect  that  he  preached  a  sermon  in  honor  of 
the  victory  of  Manila  Bay  at  his  church  in  Syracuse. 

My  father  accompanied  me  to  Annapolis,  where 
I  was  to  try  the  entrance  examination.  That  was 
quite  a  journey  into  the  world  for  a  Vermont  young- 
ster of  ante-bellum  days.  We  went  by  rail  to  New 
York,  where  we  stopped  at  the  Irving  House,  which 
was  kept  by  a  Vermonter  and  was  situated  on  Broad- 
way, opposite  A.  T.  Stewart's  great  store,  which  was 
then  regarded  as  a  kind  of  eighth  wonder  of  the  world 
by  all  women  shoppers. 

Father  took  me  to  the  theatre,  where  Burton,  a 
famous  comedian  of  the  period,  was  playing.  I  had 
never  seen  a  real  stage  comedian  before,  and  I  laughed 
so  hard  that  I  fairly  lost  control  of  myself,  and  my 
father  made  me  leave  the  theatre. 

The  next  day  we  started  for  Annapolis,  which 
was  then  twelve  hours'  journey  from  New  York. 
First  we  took  a  steamer  to  Perth  Amboy.  From 
there  we  went  by  train  to  Philadelphia.  Horses 
drew  the  car  in  which  we  went  through  the  streets  of 


i4  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Philadelphia,  and  we  left  this  car  at  Havre  de  Grace. 
I  recall  that  we  had  luncheon  on  the  steam  ferry 
crossing  the  Susquehanna. 

We  went  through  Baltimore  in  the  same  way  that 
we  had  through  Philadelphia,  in  a  railroad  car  drawn 
by  horses  at  a  trot,  with  a  brakeman  blowing  a  horn 
for  people  and  vehicles  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the 
through  express. 

The  entrance  examinations  to  the  Naval  Academy 
were  very  simple  in  those  days,  consisting  chiefly  of 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  pass.  Before  he  started  home  my  father 
said  to  me: 

"George,  I've  done  all  I  can  for  you.  The  rest 
you  must  do  for  yourself." 

This  advice  I  have  always  tried  to  keep  in  mind. 

Although  the  entrance  examinations  were  easy, 
the  process  of  elimination  was  even  more  rigorous 
through  that  stiff  four  years'  course  than  at  present. 
Sixty  of  us  entered  the  academy  in  '54,  and  only 
fifteen  of  us  were  graduated  in  '58.  By  the  end  of 
the  first  year  twenty-three  had  been  plucked.  I 
was  number  thirty-three  out  of  the  remaining  thirty- 
five.  That  old  faculty  for  making  things  happen 
had  given  me  one  hundred  and  thirteen  demerit 
marks.  Two  hundred  meant  dismissal. 

I  was  very  poor  in  history  and  geography,  but 
excellent  in  mathematics,  which  had  pulled  me 
through.  In  the  second  year,  when  nine  more  had 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  15 

been  dropped,  I  was  ninth  among  the  survivors. 
My  conduct  marks  had  improved,  and  I  was  even 
better  now  in  French  and  Spanish  than  in  mathe- 
matics, but  still  low  in  history.  On  leaving  the  acad- 
emy I  was  fifth  among  the  fifteen  who  remained  out 
of  the  original  sixty.  As  for  geography,  I  was  to 
learn  something  of  that  in  the  harbors  of  the  world. 
My  weakness  in  history  I  overcame  later  in  life, 
when  I  grew  fond  of  reading.  As  for  tactics  and  gun- 
nery, in  which  I  had  also  been  low,  I  had  practice  in 
the  Civil  War  which  was  far  more  valuable  than  any 
theory.  Moreover,  the  tactics  and  gunnery  which 
I  had  been  taught  at  the  academy  were  soon  to  be- 
come quite  antiquated  as  more  progressive  officers  al- 
ready understood.  I  flatter  myself  that  this  accounted 
partially  for  my  lack  of  interest  in  this  branch. 

The  academy  at  that  time  had  not  yet  settled  in 
its  traditions,  and  naval  science  was  in  a  transition 
period  from  sails  to  steam.  All  the  graduates  of  the 
academy  were  as  yet  juniors  and  not  of  any  consid- 
erable influence  in  the  service.  No  retirement  pro- 
vision existed.  The  old  captains,  many  of  whom 
had  been  in  the  War  of  1812,  were  brought  up  in 
wooden  frigates  and  ships  of  the  line.  Their  ideas 
were  very  fixed.  They  had  little  charity  for  the 
innovations  suggested  by  their  juniors.  To  them  a 
naval  officer  must  ever  remain  primarily  a  sailor. 
But  from  them  through  the  War  of  1812  the  navy 
had  a  proud  inheritance.  The  history  of  that  war 


16  GEORGE  DEWEY 

on  land,  with  its  untrained  volunteer  troops,  in  which 
our  Capitol  was  burned  and  our  effort  at  the  inva- 
sion of  Canada  proved  a  fiasco,  hardly  makes  pleas- 
ant reading  for  any  American  who  has  the  right  kind 
of  patriotism,  which  never  closes  its  eyes  to  facts. 

But  the  ships  of  our  little  navy,  keeping  to  the 
traditions  of  our  fast  clippers  and  of  Decatur  at  Trip- 
oli, by  outrunning  the  enemy  in  overwhelmingly 
superior  numbers,  closing  in  on  him  when  terms  were 
equal,  gave  an  account  of  themselves  that  thrilled 
the  nation.  They  fought  the  veterans  of  Trafalgar 
according  to  their  own  methods.  These  were  ter- 
rible, bloody  encounters  at  close  quarters.  That  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  Guerriere  was  over  in  an 
hour;  that  of  the  United  States  and  the  Macedonian 
in  an  hour  and  a  half;  and  that  of  the  Hornet  and 
Peacock  in  fourteen  minutes.  The  spirit  of  the  les- 
son which  the  British  learned  in  the  Napoleonic  wars, 
they  met  in  us.  It  meant  boarding  with  the  cutlass 
when  the  ships  were  alongside,  after  they  had  been 
raked  fore  and  aft  with  gun  fire.  Tactics  and  gun- 
nery were  very  simple  then  compared  to  the  present, 
when  action  may  begin  at  a  distance  of  six  or  seven 
miles. 

The  boys  who  came  to  Annapolis  from  all  parts 
of  a  big  expanse  of  a  country  not  yet  nationalized 
by  the  broad  community  of  thought  and  intelligence 
of  to-day  had  to  be  welded  by  the  spirit  of  corps 
into  a  common  life  and  purpose.  When  you  enter 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  17 

the  academy  you  cease  to  be  a  Vermonter  or  a  Geor- 
gian or  a  Californian.  You  are  in  the  navy;  your 
future,  with  its  sea-service  and  its  frequent  changes 
of  assignment,  makes  you  first  a  man  of  the  country's 
service  and  only  secondly  a  man  of  the  world.  Your 
associations  all  your  life  are  with  the  men  of  your 
first  comradeship  of  study  and  discipline.  My  fel- 
low-midshipmen at  Annapolis  were  the  officers  who, 
rising  grade  by  grade,  held  the  important  commands 
of  squadrons  and  ships  afloat,  and  were  the  com- 
mandants of  navy-yards  and  the  heads  of  bureaus 
ashore  during  the  Spanish  War. 

In  the  fifties  we  were  still  almost  exclusively  an 
agricultural  nation.  Our  population  was  hardly  a 
third  of  what  it  is  at  present.  Personal  wealth  and 
luxury  were  limited  to  a  few  of  the  older  cities.  The 
midshipman  of  to-day,  with  his  fine  quarters,  his 
shower-bath,  his  superior  and  varied  diet,  his  foot- 
ball stadium,  his  special  trains  to  the  annual  army 
and  navy  games,  expresses  the  change  that  has  come 
over  the  life  of  the  nation  as  a  whole.  We  now  prac- 
tise as  well  as  preach  the  precept  that  all  work  and 
no  play  makes  Jack  a  dull  boy. 

In  my  day  at  Annapolis  we  had  no  system  of 
athletics  except  our  regular  military  drill.  There 
was  no  adequate  gymnastic  apparatus.  The  rule 
was  one  endless  grind  of  acquiring  knowledge.  Our 
only  amusement  within  the  walls  of  the  academy  was 
the  "stag  hop"  on  Saturdays,  held  in  the  basement 


i8  GEORGE  DEWEY 

of  the  old  recitation  hall.  We  were  all  vigorous  boys 
or  we  could  not  have  passed  the  physical  entrance 
examination ;  and  we  were  being  trained  for  a  career 
that  required  dash  and  physical  spirits.  Under  such 
restraint  there  were  bound  to  be  outbreaks  and  such 
infractions  of  discipline  as  not  only  would  not  be  tol- 
erated but  would  not  occur  to-day.  Every  mid- 
shipman had  his  nickname,  of  course,  as  every  one 
has  had  from  the  inception  of  the  academy  and  still 
has,  and  mine  was  "Shang"  Dewey.  I  confess  that 
I  do  not  know  how  it  originated.  Hazing  was  rife. 
It  was  accepted  as  a  part  of  the  curriculum  in  whip- 
ping raw  youths,  whose  egoism  may  have  been  over- 
developed by  fond  parents,  into  the  habit  of  com- 
radeship and  spirit  of  corps.  The  excuse  for  it  in 
its  rigor  of  my  time  no  longer  exists  under  the  pres- 
ent organization,  however.  I  fear,  too,  that  the  fac- 
ulty did  not  always  receive  the  respect  that  they 
should  have  received.  An  assistant  professor  called 
"Bull  Pup"  was  at  one  time  captured  and  impris- 
oned in  a  glass  wall-case  in  the  chemical  laboratory 
as  an  expression  of  midshipman  disapproval. 

Such  actions,  if  inexcusable,  had  the  palliation  of 
a  course  which  was  without  athletics  or  amusement 
and  of  the  youth  of  the  academy,  which  had  not  yet 
found  itself  as  an  institution.  However,  I  believe 
that  rowdyism  was  then  far  more  common  in  civilian 
colleges  than  it  is  to-day;  and  if,  in  later  times  as 
instructors,  the  men  of  my  day  would  not  permit 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  19 

such  infractions,  it  was  proof  of  our  realization  of 
their  utter  subversion  of  military  principles,  while  in 
recollection  of  our  own  close  confinement  we  did  pro- 
vide for  athletics  and  other  forms  of  relaxation  which 
left  no  excuse  for  ebullitions  of  an  insubordinate 
nature. 

Fistic  arbitration  of  grievances  between  two  mid- 
shipmen, I  believe,  still  prevails  under  the  super- 
vision of  upper-class  men  as  the  court  of  honor,  in 
spite  of  the  close  observation  of  the  commandant. 
There  were  numbers  of  them  in  my  time.  They  were 
privately  acknowledged,  if  openly  discouraged,  by 
the  instructors  as  the  manly  way  to  settle  differ- 
ences. I  looked  after  an  affair  of  my  own  without 
waiting  on  any  formality.  A  cadet  who  sat  opposite 
me  called  me  a  name  at  mess  which  no  man  can  hear 
without  redress.  I  did  not  lose  a  second,  and,  spring- 
ing around  the  table,  I  went  for  him  and  beat  him 
down  under  the  table  before  we  were  separated.  That 
was  a  pretty  serious  infraction  of  discipline  at  mess. 
The  combatants  were  brought  up  before  the  super- 
intendent, Captain  L.  M.  Goldsborough,  later  the 
well-known  rear-admiral  of  the  Civil  War,  who  asked 
me  why  I  had  made  the  attack.  I  told  him  the  name 
which  my  classmate  had  called  me.  He  said  that  I 
could  not  have  done  anything  else,  fined  me  ten  de- 
merits, and  assured  the  fellow  whom  I  had  thrashed 
that  he  had  got  exactly  what  he  deserved.  That  I 
thought  was  a  very  sensible  decision. 


20  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Captain  George  S.  Blake,  who  was  superintend- 
ent for  the  last  three  years  that  I  was  at  Annapolis, 
married  a  daughter  of  Commodore  Barren,  who,  it 
will  be  remembered,  killed  Decatur  in  a  duel.  Mrs. 
Blake  had  a  warm  place  in  the  hearts  of  all  the  An- 
napolis graduates  of  my  time.  She  was  very  kind  to 
us  in  a  day  when  the  acting  midshipmen  saw  little  of 
home  life.  Thanks  to  Captain  Goldsborough,  Blake's 
predecessor,  we  had  our  barracks  heated  by  steam 
and  also  the  luxury  of  gas  lamps.  We  lived  two  in 
a  room  and  had  to  make  our  own  beds  and  sweep 
our  own  rooms,  but  negro  women  who  came  in  at 
stated  intervals  did  the  scrubbing.  There  were,  as 
a  rule,  less  than  a  hundred  midshipmen  all  told;  so 
that  we  came  to  know  one  another  well. 

Of  course,  all  the  under-class  men  looked  forward 
to  the  glorious  day  when  they  should  go  on  furlough 
at  the  end  of  their  second  year,  as  has  ever  been 
the  custom.  We  had  a  song  that  expressed  the  feel- 
ings, in  anticipation  of  that  long-leave  absence,  of 
boys  who  had  known  an  unremitting  grind  far  from 
home: 

"Come  all  ye  gallant  middies 

Who  are  going  on  furlough; 
We'll  sing  the  song  of  liberty; 
We're  going  for  to  go. 

"Take  your  tobacco  lively 

And  pass  the  plug  around; 
We'll  have  a  jolly  time  to-night 
Before  we're  homeward  bound. 


AT  ANNAPOLIS  21 

"Our  sweethearts  waiting  for  us, 

With  eyes  brimful  of  tears, 
Will  welcome  us  back  home  again 
From  an  absence  of  two  years." 

The  reference  to  the  plug  of  tobacco  is  to  a  habit 
in  the  United  States  which  readers  of  Dickens's 
"American  Notes"  will  recall  excited  the  author's 
fervent  comment.  I  always  joined  in  the  song  hear- 
tily, and  I  also  chewed  tobacco.  It  was  the  habit  of 
the  acting  midshipmen,  in  keeping  with  the  universal 
male  habit  of  the  time.  However,  when  I  went  to 
the  Mediterranean  on  my  midshipman  cruise  and 
found  that  the  British  and  other  foreign  officers  did 
not  chew,  I  became  convinced  that  it  was  a  filthy, 
vulgar  habit  in  which  no  officer  or  gentleman  should 
indulge.  So  I  declared  that  I  would  chew  no  more. 
It  required  a  good  deal  of  fortitude  to  overcome 
this  habit,  more,  I  think,  than  to  give  up  smoking. 
But  I  kept  my  pledge  to  myself,  and  never  took 
another  chew  after  I  had  made  up  my  mind  on  the 
subject. 

The  fifteen  in  my  class  who  were  finally  gradu- 
ated were  well  grounded.  The  things  that  we  knew 
we  knew  well.  This  has  always  been  the  character 
of  Annapolis,  which  fashions  a  definite  type  of  man 
for  a  definite  object  in  life.  The  relentless  examina- 
tions permit  of  no  subterfuge  of  mental  agility  and  no 
superficial  familiarity  with  a  variety  of  subjects  to 
take  the  place  of  exact  knowledge  of  a  limited  num- 


22  GEORGE  DEWEY 

her  of  subjects.  I  think  I  may  say  that  no  four 
years'  course  in  any  institution  gives  its  students 
more  in  mind  and  character  than  the  school  from 
which  the  officers  of  our  navy  are  drawn. 


CHAPTER   III 
THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE 

ON  our  graduation  from  the  academy  on  June  18, 
1858,  we  passed  from  the  rank  of  acting  midshipmen 
to  that  of  midshipmen,  with  two  years'  experience  in 
practical  cruising  ahead  of  us  before  we  actually  got 
our  commissions.  We  were  now  to  have  our  reward 
for  the  four  years'  grind.  We  were  to  see  the  world. 
With  three  of  my  classmates  I  was  assigned  to  the 
Wabash,  a  steam-frigate  of  over  four  thousand  tons, 
with  a  powerful  battery  for  her  day  and  one  of  a 
class  of  six  that  had  been  built  in  1855.  The  Merri- 
mac  of  this  class,  which  fell  into  Southern  hands  in 
the  Norfolk  Navy  Yard  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War,  became  the  famous  iron-clad  which  the  Con- 
federates called  the  Virginia,  but  which  was  always 
known  in  the  North  by  her  original  name.  The 
W abash  was  the  flag-ship  of  the  Mediterranean  Squad- 
ron, bearing  the  flag  of  Flag-Officer  E.  A.  F.  La 
Valette.  At  that  time  the  highest  rank  in  the  navy 
was  captain,  so  that  the  commander  of  a  squadron 
was  known  as  the  flag-officer. 

Flag-Officer  La  Valette,  a  veteran  of  1812,  had 
been  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Champlain.  He  was  a 
white-haired,  fine-appearing  old  officer  and  a  very 
23 


24  GEORGE  DEWEY 

worthy  representative  to  take  a  squadron  abroad. 
On  a  number  of  occasions  he  had  the  young  officers 
in  to  dinner.  It  was  inspiring  to  us  to  hear  his 
experiences  in  a  war  that  had  been  fought  forty-five 
years  previously. 

The  Wabash  had  two  horizontal  engines,  and  her 
maximum  speed  under  steam  was  nine  knots,  with 
an  average  of  about  five.  We  sailed  from  Hamp- 
ton Roads  on  July  22,  1858,  arriving  at  Gibraltar 
on  August  15.  Altogether,  some  fourteen  months 
were  spent  in  the  Mediterranean,  cruising  from  port 
to  port.  We  youngsters  of  the  "steerage,"  as  the 
junior  mess  is  called  in  distinction  from  the  senior 
or  wardroom  mess,  had  close  quarters,  but  ours  was 
the  happiest  period  that  comes  to  a  naval  officer's 
career.  In  every  important  port  from  Gibraltar  to 
Turkey  and  Egypt  we  had  glimpses  of  life  ashore; 
and  we  were  introduced  for  the  first  time  to  the  ex- 
change of  official  calls  and  salutes  between  nations, 
which  becomes  routine  to  older  officers,  but  to  us 
had  the  charm  of  novelty.  No  conducted  tourist  ex- 
cursion can  quite  equal  that  under  official  auspices. 

I  recall  that  President  Cleveland  once  said  to  a 
friend  of  mine  that  he  considered  that  the  commander 
of  a  man-of-war  on  the  European  station  had  about 
as  lordly  a  position  as  could  fall  to  the  lot  of  an 
American  citizen.  He  is  the  king  of  a  little  world 
of  his  own,  subject  only  to  squadron  orders  and  to 
those  from  Washington. 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  25 

But  the  midshipman  at  the  bottom  round  of  the 
official  ladder  has  one  advantage  over  all  his  supe- 
riors, and  that  is  youth.  On  my  cruise  homeward 
from  Manila  in  1899,  when  I  needed  rest  before  the 
overwhelming  public  reception  that  awaited  me,  I 
spent  several  weeks  in  the  Mediterranean,  of  whose 
climate  and  associations  I  had  always  been  very 
fond.  I  enjoyed  myself  almost  as  well  as  I  did  when 
I  was  a  midshipman. 

The  Wdbash  was  a  ship  of  which  we  could  be 
justly  proud,  which  means  a  great  deal  to  any  naval 
officer  when  he  is  in  foreign  waters.  He  does  not 
like  to  feel  that  his  country's  flag  is  flying  over  an 
antiquated  craft,  which  was  the  case  throughout  the 
depressing  years  of  the  seventies  and  eighties.  Many 
visitors  in  every  port  came  on  board  the  "Yankee" 
and  marvelled  at  her  trimness  and  particularly  at 
her  cleanliness,  which  has  always  been  characteristic 
of  American  men-of-war. 

At  this  period  France,  after  England,  was  far  and 
away  the  preponderant  naval  power,  and  of  course 
the  next  greatest  influence  in  world  politics.  The 
German  Empire  and  a  United  Italy  were  yet  to  be 
born.  The  leading  ships  of  all  the  nations  were  in  the 
Mediterranean,  in  view  of  a  war  impending  between 
France  and  Italy  and  Austria.  Besides,  the  situation 
in  the  Near  East  was  always  the  ticklish  one  in  the 
policy  of  foreign  chancelleries,  which,  of  late  years, 
has  yielded  its  place  in  that  respect  to  the  Far  East. 


26  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Every  navy  was  largely  represented  in  the  Bos- 
phorus  in  October,  1858,  in  celebration  of  the  birth- 
day of  Mohammed.  This  was  my  first  introduction 
to  Constantinople  and  the  Orient.  On  account  of  the 
Crimean  War,  in  which  the  French  and  the  English 
had  been  allies  of  the  Turk,  both  were  friendly  to 
the  Sick  Man  of  the  East,  and  they  made  the  most  of 
the  demonstration  as  a  political  manoeuvre  against 
Russia. 

The  Wabash  was  quite  the  finest  ship  of  the  for- 
eign fleet  and  also  the  largest.  Her  tonnage  was  in 
excess  of  that  allowed  for  foreign  men-of-war  in  the 
Bosphorus  by  an  international  agreement  which  had 
its  origin  in  the  mutual  jealousy  of  the  powers  lest 
one  should  get  advantage  of  the  others.  Of  course 
the  United  States  had  no  interest  in  the  interplay  of 
European  politics,  and  morally  the  fact  of  the  size 
of  the  Wabash  did  not  matter  at  all.  But  Lord  Strat- 
ford de  Redcliffe,  the  British  ambassador,  did  not 
see  it  that  way.  In  his  position  as  spokesman  for 
the  British  in  a  period  of  preponderant  British  influ- 
ence in  the  Orient,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  giving  the 
Sultan  orders.  So  the  word  came  to  Flag-Officer 
La  Valette  that  the  Wabash  must  depart. 

Meanwhile  our  very  able  American  minister,  Mr. 
Williams,  had  become  a  little  weary,  as  had  the  other 
foreign  ministers,  over  Lord  de  Redcliffe's  autocratic 
methods.  We  were  already  making  the  Wabash 
ready  for  departure  when  I  went  with  Flag-Officer 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  27 

La  Valette  as  his  aide  to  see  the  Selemlik,  when  the 
Sultan  makes  his  weekly  public  visit  to  the  mosque. 
Those  who  have  witnessed  this  brilliant  and  pictur- 
esque ceremony  in  later  times,  so  pregnant  with 
meaning  to  Mohammedans,  tell  me  that  it  is  little 
changed.  The  Sultan  of  Turkey,  who  is  also  Padi- 
shah of  all  Moslems,  drives  from  the  palace  to  the 
mosque  between  banks  of  soldiers,  surrounded  by 
his  brilliantly  uniformed  staff  and  followed  by  some 
of  the  ladies  of  the  harem. 

When  he  came  out  of  the  mosque  he  did  a  very 
unusual  thing,  we  were  told,  for  so  formal  an  oc- 
casion. He  came  over  toward  the  little  group  of 
American  naval  officers  among  the  contingent  of  for- 
eigners and,  addressing  Flag-Officer  La  Valette,  he 
said  that  he  had  heard  we  were  about  to  depart  and 
he  asked  us  to  remain;  otherwise  he  would  be  de- 
prived of  the  privilege  of  seeing  our  fine  ship.  As  he 
spoke  as  the  head  of  the  government  of  Turkey,  and 
we  were  in  Turkish  waters,  Flag-Officer  La  Valette 
changed  his  plans. 

No  doubt  Abdul  Mejiid,  who,  like  later  sultans, 
was  beset  by  European  chancelleries  and  never 
missed  an  opportunity  of  playing  one  power  against 
another,  enjoyed  this  little  hit  at  the  officious  guar- 
dianship of  the  British  ambassador.  At  all  events, 
nothing  further  was  heard  from  Lord  de  Redcliffe, 
and  the  honors  of  the  affair  were  with  the  Sultan 
and  the  Wdbash,  while  all  the  other  diplomats  were 


28  GEORGE  DEWEY 

probably  chuckling.  When  his  Majesty  came  on 
board  we  dressed  ship  most  elaborately,  and  of  course 
we  flew  the  Turkish  imperial  flag  in  his  honor.  He 
saw  to  it  that  we  had  many  special  favors  shown  us. 
Among  others  was  a  trip  up  the  Bosphorus  on  a 
government  vessel. 

I  imagine  that  back  of  the  Sultan's  action  was 
the  prompting  of  Mr.  Williams,  our  minister.  More- 
over, I  know  that  his  charming  daughters  did  much 
to  make  the  stay  of  the  W abash  pleasant  for  the  mid- 
shipmen attached  to  her.  When  I  was  in  the  harbor 
of  Trieste  on  the  way  home  from  Manila,  a  Princess 
Mary  de  Ligouri,  who  lived  there,  asked  the  consul 
to  take  off  her  autograph  album  to  secure  my  signa- 
ture. In  looking  over  the  signatures,  which  dated 
back  forty  years,  I  saw  many  Turkish  ones,  probably 
pashas  and  beys,  and  among  the  many  Europeans 
those  of  some  officers  of  the  Wabash.  I  looked  at 
her  card.  Princess  Mary  de  Ligouri!  Was  it  pos- 
sible that  this  was  Mary  Williams,  one  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  former  minister  ? 

I  sent  off  word  to  the  consul  that,  if  she  were,  my 
barge  was  at  her  service;  and  that  afternoon  she 
came  off  to  call.  Much  water  had  passed  through 
the  Bosphorus  since  we  had  last  met,  and  both  of 
us  had  white  hair.  She  confessed  that  she  did  not 
remember  me  among  the  officers  of  the  Wabash^  and 
expressed  her  regret,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  I  had 
remembered  her.  I  answered  that  this  was  only 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  29 

natural,  as  there  were  a  good  many  American  naval 
officers  with  our  squadron,  while  there  had  been  very 
few  American  girls  in  Turkey  in  1858.  Though  she 
had  lived  so  long  abroad  she  was  still  a  good  American 
at  heart,  and  she  declared  that  she  had  fairly  crowed 
when  she  heard  of  our  victory  at  Manila,  because 
she  was  surrounded  by  Austrians  who  had  strong 
Spanish  sympathies  and  thought  that  Spain  would 
win. 

But  to  return  to  the  midshipman  cruise  and  to 
Constantinople.  On  the  eve  of  Mohammed's  birth- 
day the  foreign  fleet  and  the  Turkish  batteries  fired 
a  salute,  and  many  of  the  minarets  of  the  twin  cities 
on  either  side  of  the  Bosphorus  were  illuminated, 
making  a  beautiful  sight.  Before  the  festivities, 
which  lasted  for  some  days,  were  over  we  sailed  for 
Beirut  in  Syria,  with  Minister  Williams  on  board. 
At  Beirut  we  made  up  a  party  for  a  journey  over- 
land to  Jerusalem,  and  our  itinerary  of  sights  was 
finally  complete  when,  later,  we  visited  Alexandria 
and  had  a  glimpse  of  an  Egypt  whose  backwardness, 
in  contrast  with  the  present  Egypt  of  order  and  im- 
provement, is  an  unanswerable  argument  in  favor 
of  British  occupation. 

Returning  across  the  Mediterranean  on  the  lei- 
surely homeward  leg,  we  were  at  Genoa  when  Prince 
Napoleon  arrived  from  Marseilles  on  the  steam- 
yacht  Reine  Hortense,  to  conclude  his  marriage  con- 
tract. From  Genoa  we  went  to  Civita  Vecchia, 


30  GEORGE  DEWEY 

where  we  saluted  the  Pontifical  flag,  which  was  soon 
to  cease  to  be  recognized  as  an  emblem  of  the  Pope's 
temporal  power  by  other  nations. 

We  were  in  the  harbors  of  Italy,  enjoying  the 
privilege  of  onlooking  neutrals,  when  the  war  be- 
tween France  and  Italy  and  Austria  was  in  progress. 
Here  it  was,  watching  keenly  for  the  news  from  day 
to  day,  that  we  heard  of  the  victory  of  Solferino, 
which  was  a  crushing  blow  to  the  Austrian  power 
which  the  skilful  machinations  of  Metternich  had 
built.  Napoleon  III  was  in  the  zenith  of  his  career. 
When  I  consider  what  a  grand  figure  he  was  in  the 
imagination  of  Europe  when  we  fired  salutes  in  honor 
of  his  birthday  two  months  after  this  battle,  it  seems 
hard  to  realize  what  a  small  figure  posterity  has  made 
of  him. 

In  spite  of  the  diplomatic  officiousness  of  Lord 
de  Redcliffe  at  Constantinople,  any  memory  of  this 
Mediterranean  cruise  would  not  be  complete  with- 
out some  mention  of  our  pleasant  relations  with  the 
British  Navy.  It  has  been  a  rule  that  wherever  a 
British  and  an  American  ship  meet  their  officers  and 
their  crews  fraternize.  The  two  services  speak  the 
same  language;  they  have  a  common  inheritance  of 
naval  discipline  and  customs.  Exchanges  of  visits 
which  are  ceremonial  where  other  navies  are  con- 
cerned become  friendly  calls  in  a  congenial  atmos- 
phere. When  the  28th  Regiment  of  British  in- 
fantry passed  out  of  the  Bosphorus  on  H.  M.  S. 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  31 

Perseverance,  I  remember  that  we  gave  them  a 
hearty  cheer;  and  as  we  left  the  Bay  of  Naples  we 
played  the  British  national  air  in  honor  of  the  Brit- 
ish ships  at  anchor  and  they  answered  with  ours. 

Curiously  enough,  it  was  the  summer  of  1859 
that  the  celebrated  "Blood  is  thicker  than  water" 
incident  occurred.  Flag-Officer  Josiah  Tatnall,  who 
had  won  fame  by  a  brilliant  exploit  at  Vera  Cruz  in 
the  war  with  Mexico,  and  won  more  later  as  a  Con- 
federate officer,  witnessing  the  heavy  fire  which  the 
British  chartered  steamer  Toey-wan  was  suffering 
from  the  Chinese  forts  in  the  Pei  River,  could  not 
keep  out  of  the  fight.  Turning  to  a  junior  officer  he 
exclaimed,  "Blood  is  thicker  than  water,"  and  or- 
dered his  boat  manned,  and  with  his  own  crew  took 
the  place  of  fallen  British  gunners  in  firing  on  the 
Chinese. 

Afterward  he  used  the  Toey-wan  in  towing  up 
the  British  reserves  for  the  storming  party  that  at- 
tacked the  forts.  This  is  a  service  that  the  British 
navy  has  never  forgotten.  In  the  trying  days  at 
Manila  after  the  battle,  Sir  Edward  Chichester,  as 
we  shall  see,  exemplified  the  spirit  of  that  stirring 
phrase  of  Tatnall's  in  a  manner  that  was  deeply 
gratifying.  True  international  friendship  is  best 
tested  in  time  of  trial,  and  the  British  proved  theirs 
in  1898. 

Aside  from  the  great  educational  influence  of 
that  Mediterranean  cruise,  it  had  left  a  profound 


32  GEORGE  DEWEY 

impression  on  the  minds  of  the  younger  officers  in 
their  talks  with  the  juniors  of  the  British  ships  that 
the  world  was  on  the  threshold  of  a  revolution  in 
navy-building.  We  little  thought  it  was  to  come 
in  our  own  land  in  a  civil  war  which  foreigners  were 
then  telling  us  was  inevitable,  while  we,  with  our 
perspective  dulled  by  familiarity  with  the  events 
gradually  bringing  the  cleavage  between  the  North 
and  the  South  to  a  crisis,  were  still  fairly  confident 
that  a  peaceful  solution  would  be  found.  For  two 
centuries  there  had  been  little  change  in  naval  science, 
in  which  the  British  had  led ;  so  that  the  older  Brit- 
ish officers,  in  common  with  ours,  held  that  the  old 
wooden  frigates  and  ships  of  the  line  were  still  in- 
vincible. 

To  the  French  belongs  not  only  the  honor  of  in- 
venting the  first  shell  guns,  but  also  that  of  putting 
the  first  armor-clads  afloat  and  in  action.  However, 
in  1842  the  United  States  Congress  had  authorized 
the  secretary  of  the  navy  to  contract  for  "the  con- 
struction of  a  war  steamer,  shot  and  shell  proof, 
upon  the  plan  of  the  said  Stevens,"  who  was  the 
Colonel  John  Stevens  for  whom  Stevens  Institute 
was  named.  This  vessel  was  begun,  but  never 
finished. 

In  the  engagement  of  Sinope,  in  the  Crimean 
War,  1853,  shell  guns  had  been  used  for  the  first 
time.  The  Russian  shells  set  the  Turkish  ships  on 
fire  and  destroyed  them  with  almost  no  Russian  loss. 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  33 

In  1854  the  French  brought  out  to  the  Crimea  three 
armored  vessels  which  were  little  more  than  floating 
batteries.  Though  they  were  placed  close  under  the 
enemy's  guns  in  the  attack  on  the  Russian  forts  at 
Kinburn  in  1855,  they  were  the  deciding  factor  in 
the  battle  without  having  their  armor  once  pierced. 

This,  rather  than  the  Monitor  and  Merrimac  duel, 
was  the  first  convincing  evidence  to  progressive 
officers  that  the  future  of  naval  warfare  was  with 
the  iron-clad.  The  British  in  their  conservatism 
still  hesitated,  held  by  sentiment  to  their  tall  frig- 
ates and  ships  of  the  line,  but  the  French  immediately 
set  about  building  armor-clads  which  no  doubt  could 
have  made  kindling-wood  of  the  British  ships  of  the 
line;  and  for  a  while,  probably,  had  it  become  an 
issue  between  France  and  England,  France  might 
have  become  mistress  of  the  seas.  In  the  later  period 
of  our  Mediterranean  cruise,  the  British  juniors  were 
all  talking  of  their  first  iron-clad,  the  Warrior,  which 
had  just  been  laid  down  and  was  to  become  the 
pioneer  of  the  modern  British  navy. 

Sailing  from  Gibraltar  on  November  13,  1859, 
the  Wdbash  arrived  at  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  on 
December  16.  Two  days  later  I  was  detached,  with 
three  months'  leave  of  absence,  which  I  spent  at 
home  in  Vermont.  Afterward  I  was  in  the  Pozv- 
hatan  and  the  Pawnee  in  a  cruise  to  Caribbean  and 
Gulf  ports,  visiting  Vera  Cruz  and  getting  my  first 
experience  of  tropic  seas  and  tropic  countries.  Many 


34  GEORGE  DEWEY 

of  the  ships  of  that  time  were  in  command  of  Southern 
officers.  Indeed,  it  was  charged  by  those  of  Northern 
birth  that  the  South  had  been  favored  in  the  distri- 
bution of  commands.  If  so,  it  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  administrations  had  been  Democratic,  and 
Southern  statesmen  then  were  dominant  in  national 
affairs. 

The  captain  of  the  Pawnee  was  Henry  J.  Har- 
stene,  a  South  Carolina  man,  who  had  had  a  very 
interesting  career.  He  had  once  been  in  command 
of  one  of  the  Aspinwall  steamers,  an  assignment  that 
many  naval  officers  found  most  welcome  on  account 
of  the  high  pay.  How  completely  times  have 
changed!  Consider  a  naval  officer  of  to-day  being 
detached  to  command  a  transatlantic  liner!  It  was 
also  a  saying  that  it  was  Southern  officers  who  re- 
ceived the  Aspinwall  steamers,  while  Northern  offi- 
cers had  the  less  desirable  billets  of  running  to  the 
coast  of  Africa.  Harstene  had  won  celebrity  for 
finding  Doctor  Kane,  the  Arctic  explorer,  and  he 
later  took  to  England  the  British  ship  Resolute,  which 
had  been  rescued  from  the  Arctic  Ocean  by  whalers, 
receiving  the  thanks  of  the  British  Government  and 
many  attentions.  He  was  an  eccentric  as  well  as  a 
very  energetic  man,  and  intensely  Southern  in  his 
sympathies. 

At  a  banquet  given  in  Vera  Cruz  he  declared  that 
if  South  Carolina  seceded  he  would  take  the  Pawnee 
into  Charleston  harbor  and  deliver  her  over  to  the 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  35 

authorities  of  the  State  government.  Our  first  lieu- 
tenant, or  executive  officer,  Marcy,  a  most  capable 
man,  was  the  son  of  the  former  secretary  of  state. 
When  we  asked  him  what  would  happen  if  the  cap- 
tain started  to  make  good  his  threat,  he  said  quietly 
that  he  did  not  think  that  a  captain  of  the  navy 
might  disobey  the  orders  of  his  government  to  take 
his  ship  to  the  destination  named  in  the  orders — and 
this  destination  was  not  Charleston. 

On  the  homeward  cruise  we  heard  of  an  overdue 
merchant-ship  which  had  last  been  sighted  on  the 
South  Atlantic  coast.  So  we  kept  close  to  the  coast- 
line watching  for  her,  but  without  success.  When  we 
were  off  Charleston  I  happened  to  be  the  officer  of 
the  deck.  Our  eccentric  captain  came  on  deck,  clad, 
as  he  usually  was,  in  a  crazy-quilt  blouse  which  he 
insisted  was  most  comfortable.  Its  appearance  bore 
out  his  statement  that  it  was  made  of  remnants  of 
his  wife's  silk  dresses,  which  probably  partly  ac- 
counted for  his  sentimental  attachment  to  it. 

"Take  in  the  top-gallant  sails!"  he  commanded. 

I  had  them  taken  in. 

"Now,  set  them  again!"  he  commanded. 

I  had  them  set.  All  the  while  he  had  been  watch- 
ing me  in  a  wild,  abstracted  fashion. 

"Now,  call  all  hands  and  take  them  in  properly!" 
he  commanded. 

They  had  been  taken  in  in  a  ship-shape  manner 
the  first  time.  But  it  was  my  business  to  obey. 


36  GEORGE  DEWEY 

The  summons  of  all  hands  brought  Marcy  and  some 
of  the  other  officers  on  deck.  I  have  always  thought 
that  when  Harstene  gave  the  first  order  it  was  in 
his  mind  to  turn  our  bow  toward  Charleston,  and 
the  taking  in  of  the  top-gallant  sails  was  in  prepara- 
tion for  this.  But  when  he  saw  the  ship's  whole 
crew  before  him,  he  realized  his  folly,  for  he  let  the 
Pawnee  keep  her  course. 

Leaving  the  navy  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War,  he  returned  to  South  Carolina,  and  later  died 
there;  but  I  have  often  wondered  how  Marcy 
would  have  dealt  with  the  situation  if  he  had 
actually  started  the  Pawnee  into  Charleston  harbor. 
I  am  certain  that  she  would  not  have  gone  very  far. 
Although  there  were  so  many  Southern  officers  in 
command  of  ships  when  the  war  began,  there  was 
not  one  who  did  not  give  in  his  resignation  in  a  dig- 
nified manner,  without  attempting  to  turn  his  ship 
over  to  the  Confederates. 

Returning  to  the  Naval  Academy  in  January, 
1 86 1,  I  took  my  final  examination,  which  brought 
me,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  through  the  grades 
of  passed  midshipman  and  master  to  that  of  lieu- 
tenant, in  April.  I  was  now  a  full-fledged  and  com- 
missioned naval  officer.  It  seems  that  I  had  not 
altogether  wasted  my  time  in  festivities  ashore  in 
Europe,  for  in  this  final  examination  I  was  advanced 
to  number  three  in  my  class.  Of  the  two  men  above 
me,  Reed  and  Howell,  Reed  was  retired  as  a  cap- 


THE  MIDSHIPMAN  CRUISE  37 

tain,  and  Howell,  who  afterward  became  a  rear- 
admiral,  was  mentioned  in  1897  for  the  command 
of  the  Asiatic  Squadron,  which  I  received,  while  he 
was  given  the  European  Squadron.  As  I  had  fin- 
ished my  first  year  as  thirty-third,  I  was  able  to 
report  to  my  father  that  I  had  continually  improved ; 
and  I  might  say,  in  view  of  his  warning  at  the  time 
of  my  appointment,  that  I  had  done  "the  rest" 
reasonably  well. 


192138 


CHAPTER  IV 
BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

AFTER  the  Napoleonic  wars  an  exhausted  world 
knew  a  long  period  of  peace,  which,  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Civil  War,  had  been  broken  only  by  our 
war  with  Mexico  in  1846,  the  Crimean  War  in  1854, 
and  the  Franco-Austrian  War  in  1859.  This  period 
had  seen  the  development  of  steam.  It  had  ushered 
in  the  great  age  of  inventive  genius  and  industrial 
organization  in  which  we  now  live. 

As  Mexico  had  no  navy  our  war  with  her  had 
given  us  no  naval  experience  of  value  except  that  of 
the  mobility  of  steam-vessels  on  a  blockade  and  in 
co-operation  with  the  landing  of  troops.  In  place 
of  sails,  dependent  on  the  variability  of  the  winds, 
had  come  a  motive  power  equally  dependable  in  a 
ten-knot  breeze  or  a  calm.  Our  older  officers  had 
to  admit  that  for  expeditiousness  in  carrying  mes- 
sages, in  getting  in  and  out  of  harbors  and  landing 
troops,  steam  did  have  the  advantage  over  sail,  and 
that  it  was  a  valuable  auxiliary,  but  they  still  main- 
tained that  the  talk  about  iron-clads  as  fighting-ships 
belonged  to  the  realm  of  theorists  and  dreamers. 

Later  came  the  action  at  Sinope  in  the  Crimea, 
of  which  I  have  already  spoken,  when  the  progres- 
38 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      39 

sives  saw  their  prophecies  fulfilled  by  the  success  of 
the  French  floating  batteries  which  led  to  the  con- 
struction of  the  first  iron-clads  in  Europe.  The  naval 
lessons  of  the  Franco-Austrian  War  were  as  insig- 
nificant as  those  of  the  Mexican;  .but  at  the  decisive 
land  battle  of  Solferino  rifles  in  place  of  smooth- 
bore cannon  were  used  for  the  first  time  in  battle. 
This  innovation,  as  vital  in  arms  as  that  of  iron 
ship-building,  was  the  first  step  toward  the  enor- 
mous range  of  modern  guns.  It  remained  for  the 
Civil  War  to  test  iron-clads  in  action,  as  well  as  the 
rifled  gun,  and  also  the  ram.  In  the  case  of  the  ram 
the  innovation  was  only  the  renewal  of  a  form  of 
attack  of  the  days  of  the  Roman  galleys  when  the 
mobility  of  the  vessel  had  been  dependent  upon  the 
sweat  of  slaves.  But  the  ram  was  soon  to  become 
again  obsolete.  It  is  inconceivable  that  with  the 
long-range  guns  of  later  days  opposing  ships  can 
ever  survive  long  enough  to  come  to  close  quarters, 
except  when  one  or  the  other  has  already  surrendered. 
There  was  a  saying  in  the  sixties  that  the  men  of 
1840  in  our  navy  would  have  been  more  at  home  in 
the  ships  of  Drake's  fleet  or  in  those  of  Spain's  In- 
vincible Armada  than  in  the  iron-clads  of  the  Civil 
War;  and  I  think  that  it  is  also  safe  to  say  that  the 
men  brought  up  to  service  in  such  a  vessel  as  the 
Mississippi,  in  which  I  saw  my  first  service  in  the 
Civil  War,  would  be  more  at  home  in  the  Armada 
than  in  a  ship  of  the  Dreadnought  class.  The  in- 


40  GEORGE  DEWEY 

auguration  of  steam  made  naval  science  one  of  con- 
tinual change  and  development,  which  it  still  re- 
mains. 

It  was  borne  home  to  the  students  of  Annapolis 
in  my  day,  as  I  have  already  indicated,  that  the 
officers  of  the  navy,  in  its  senior  grades,  should  be 
men  of  progressive  minds  and  of  energetic  and  rapid 
action.  Otherwise  they  would  be  quite  unequal  to 
the  prompt  adaptation  of  everything  which  the  prog- 
ress of  science  and  industry  offered  for  their  use.  At 
the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  our  navy  had  no  staff, 
and  nothing  like  an  adequate  organization. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  chosen  Mr.  Gideon  Welles  as 
his  secretary  of  the  navy.  We  are  familiar  with  Mr. 
Welles's  character  through  his  very  voluminous  diary, 
which  has  lately  been  published.  It  has  always  been 
amazing  to  me  how  Mr.  Welles  was  able  to  do  so 
much  writing  and  conduct  the  Navy  Department  in 
the  midst  of  a  great  war. 

He  was  certainly  a  man  of  prodigious  industry. 
His  lack  of  technical  knowledge  would  have  been  a 
great  handicap,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  selection 
of  an  assistant  secretary  of  the  navy  whose  training 
made  him  an  excellent  substitute  for  a  chief  of  staff. 
Gustavus  V.  Fox  had  served  in  the  navy,  but  had 
resigned  and  become  a  most  successful  man  of  busi- 
ness. We  cannot  overestimate  the  value  of  his  in- 
telligent service  to  the  country  on  meagre  pay  in 
sacrifice  of  private  interests,  for  which  he  received 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      41 

hardly  his  fair  due  of  honor.  To  him  we  owe  the 
conception  of  the  New  Orleans  campaign  and,  in 
part,  the  building  of  the  Monitor,  which  took  the 
mastery  of  Hampton  Roads  away  from  the  Merrimac. 

Upon  taking  up  the  reins  of  office  he  found  a 
naval  personnel  with  no  retiring  age  limit;  and  a 
state  of  demoralization.  Under  President  Buchanan, 
the  most  ordinary  preparations  had  been  neglected 
in  face  of  an  inevitable  conflict.  Our  ships  were 
scattered  over  the  seas.  Some  were  on  the  coast  of 
Africa,  some  in  the  Far  East,  and  some  in  South 
American  waters.  The  excuse  for  this  was  the  pre- 
vailing naval  custom  of  the  time  which  made  the 
navy  a  disseminated  force  to  protect  our  citizens  in 
case  of  trouble  in  distant  lands,  and  also  to  protect 
our  foreign  commerce,  which  then  was  wide-spread 
and  now,  unfortunately,  has  become  almost  obsolete. 
Now  the  battle-ship  fleets  of  all  nations  are  concen- 
trated in  home  waters,  and  the  cable  keeps  govern- 
ments in  touch  with  any  danger-spots,  which  may 
be  reached  promptly  with  fast  cruisers. 

At  the  head  of  the  officers'  list  at  the  beginning 
of  1 86 1,  were  seventy-eight  captains.  A  few  of  them, 
including  Farragut,  then  quite  unknown  to  the  public, 
were  men  of  energy  who  were  in  touch  with  the  ten- 
dency of  their  time.  But  the  great  majority  were 
unfitted  for  active  service  afloat.  According  to  the 
existing  law  there  was  no  supplanting  them  with 
younger  men.  The  commanders,  who  were  next  in 


42  GEORGE  DEWEY 

rank  to  the  captains,  were  themselves  fifty-eight  or 
sixty  years  of  age.  Upper  lieutenants  were  usually 
past  forty,  some  being  as  old  as  fifty.  David  D. 
Porter,  who  was  later  to  become  an  admiral,  was 
only  a  lieutenant.  Thornton,  the  executive  officer 
of  the  Hartford,  the  flag-ship  of  the  East  India  Squad- 
ron at  that  time,  later  to  become  the  famous  flag- 
ship of  Farragut  in  the  Gulf,  had  been  in  the  service 
thirty-four  years. 

Such  a  system  was  killing  to  ambition  and  enter- 
prise. It  made  mere  routine  men  to  face  a  crisis  in 
which  energy  and  initiative  were  needed.  No  subor- 
dinate was  expected  to  undertake  any  responsibility 
on  his  own  account.  So  used  were  the  junior  officers 
—these  "boys"  of  forty  and  fifty  to  the  old  captains 
— to  being  subordinate  machines  that  their  one  care 
was  to  escape  official  censure  by  any  action  on  their 
own  account.  Promotion  had  become  so  clogged 
that,  as  the  secretary  of  the  navy  had  already  put  it 
in  1855,  the  system  was  "neither  more  nor  less  than 
elevating  the  incompetent  and  then  ordering  the  un- 
promoted  competent  to  do  their  work/' 

If  the  men  of  forty  and  fifty  were  boys  to  those 
fine  old  veterans  of  the  War  of  1812,  who  had  been 
rendered  by  age  incapable  of  active  command,  then 
we  young  men  out  of  Annapolis  ranked  as  children. 
The  first  requirement,  as  Mr.  Fox  so  well  knew,  was 
a  complete  and  drastic  reorganization  of  personnel, 
but  not  until  December,  1861,  was  a  law  passed  re- 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      43 

tiring  all  officers  at  the  age  of  sixty-two,  or  after 
forty-five  years  of  service.  By  this  law,  disregard- 
ing seniority,  the  President  might  put  any  captain 
or  commander  he  chose  in  charge  of  a  squadron  with 
the  rank  of  flag-officer. 

The  next  year  the  grades  of  rear-admiral  and 
commodore  were  established  and  the  President  had 
his  authority  for  selection  of  the  fit  further  strength- 
ened. In  this  way  the  younger  men,  by  virtue  of 
their  progressive  training  and  ideas  and  the  inevita- 
ble initiative,  which  youth  develops  in  time  of  war, 
came  to  accept  readily  responsibilities  which  would 
have  frightened  men  of  fifty  a  few  years  previously. 
With  many  new  ships  going  into  commission,  we 
were  very  short-handed,  which  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  I  was  to  become  executive  of  the  Mississippi 
at  the  age  of  twenty-four. 

Aside  from  the  loss  in  numbers  by  retirement  at 
the  very  beginning  of  the  struggle,  there  was  the  loss 
due  to  the  resignations  of  the  officers  who  saw  fit  to 
follow  the  flags  of  their  States  and  enter  the  Con- 
federate service.  One  can  only  say  that  the  latter 
responded  to  the  call  of  duty  in  a  period  when  the 
constitutional  right  to  secession  was  sincerely  held; 
and  that  many  brilliant  men,  who  must  have  risen 
to  high  place  had  they  remained  loyal,  knew  defeat 
and  the  deprivation  of  honor  and  pleasure  of  service 
in  their  profession  in  after  years.  They  took  the 
risk  and  they  lost. 


44  GEORGE  DEWEY 

But  not  all  Southern  officers  held  the  secession 
view.  Loyalty  was  stronger  relatively  in  the  navy 
than  in  the  army,  for  the  reason  that  the  naval 
officer  felt  an  affection  for  the  flag  born  of  the  senti- 
ment of  our  splendid  record  in  the  War  of  1812,  and 
a  realization  born  of  his  foreign  cruises,  that  our 
strength  before  the  other  nations  of  the  world,  who 
selfishly  wished  to  see  our  growing  power  divided, 
was  in  unity.  Besides,  naval  life  separates  one  from 
State  and  political  associations. 

It  was  inevitable,  however,  that  Southern  officers 
should  feel  that  they  would  be  held  under  suspicion  by 
the  National  Government  at  a  period  when  feeling 
ran  so  high.  This  was  a  contributing  factor  in  the 
decision  of  many  who  hesitated  long  before  they 
went  over  to  the  Confederacy.  Flag-Officer  Strib- 
ling,  commander  of  the  East  India  Squadron,  was 
relieved  simply  because  he  was  a  South  Carolina 
man,  though  he  did  not  enter  the  service  of  the  Con- 
federacy after  he  returned  home.  Farragut,  born  in 
Tennessee,  was  one  of  the  Southern  officers  who  not 
only  remained  loyal,  but  of  whose  loyalty  from  the 
first  there  was  never  any  question  by  the  authorities. 
In  his  outright  fashion  in  speaking  to  his  Southern 
comrades,  he  left  no  doubt  of  his  position,  and  he 
also  warned  them  that  they  were  going  to  have  a 
"devil  of  a  time"  of  it  before  they  were  through 
with  their  secession  enterprise.  It  is  only  fair  to 
add  that  they  also  gave  us  a  "devil  of  a  time." 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      45 

Quite  different  factors  entered  into  the  war  afloat 
and  the  war  on  shore.  The  South  had  soldiers,  and 
it  could  find  rifles  for  them.  But  it  had  few  ships, 
and  it  lacked  the  resources  with  which  to  build  more. 
Such  a  thing  as  offensive  tactics  at  sea,  except  by 
the  commerce-destroyers  of  the  Alabama  class,  and 
in  its  harbors,  except  by  river  iron-clads,  was  out  of 
the  question.  The  offensive  must  be  entirely  on  our 
side;  the  defensive  was  the  enemy's,  and  splendidly 
and  desperately  he  conducted  it. 

Our  first  duty  was  the  blockade  of  all  that  im- 
mense coast-line  from  Hampton  Roads  southward  to 
Key  West  and  westward  to  the  boundaries  of  Mexico. 
As  the  South  was  not  a  manufacturing  country,  it 
was  dependent  for  funds  on  the  export  of  cotton  and 
on  Europe  for  manufactured  material.  We  had  to 
close  its  ports  and  we  had  to  prevent  the  running  of 
the  blockade  wherever  possible.  Moreover,  a  block- 
ade which  was  not  effective  did  not  hold  in  inter- 
national law.  Never  before  had  any  navy,  and 
never  since  has  any  navy,  attempted  anything  like 
such  an  immense  task.  That  of  the  Japanese  off 
Port  Arthur  was  comparatively  insignificant  in  the 
extent  of  coast-line  which  had  to  be  guarded.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  the  United  States,  in  carrying  on  the 
war  and  blockade,  had  six  hundred  ships  in  com- 
mission. 

In  the  strategy  of  the  campaign  on  land  the  navy 
played  an  important  offensive  part  which  is  unique 


46  GEORGE  DEWEY 

in  naval  history.  President  Lincoln  wished  the  Mis- 
sissippi to  flow  "unvexed"  to  the  sea.  Once  the 
great  river  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, we  had  cut  the  Confederacy  in  two  and 
separated  its  armies  from  the  rich  sources  of  supplies 
to  the  westward.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  feat, 
which  was  not  finished  until  Vicksburg  and  Port 
Hudson  were  taken,  a  number  of  gun-boats  built  for 
the  purpose  were  to  work  their  way  down  the  river, 
while  we  of  the  main  fighting  force  of  the  Gulf  Squad- 
ron were  to  begin  our  part  in  working  up  the  river, 
running  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip  and  laying 
New  Orleans  under  our  guns.  After  my  pleasant 
midshipman  cruise,  seeing  the  sights  of  the  Medi- 
terranean,  I  was  to  witness  a  style  of  warfare  as 
picturesque  as  it  was  hazardous  and  exacting  in  its 
hardships. 

Cruising  in  the  open  sea  on  the  lookout  for  an 
enemy  whom  you  are  to  meet  in  a  decisive  battle 
is  simple,  indeed,  compared  to  the  experience  that 
was  to  try  our  nerves  on  the  Mississippi.  Here  was 
a  sufficient  outlet  for  the  abundant  spirits  of  any 
young  lieutenant  or  midshipman.  It  was  war  for 
us  for  four  years,  a  war  which  brought  us  so  fre- 
quently under  fire,  and  required  such  constant  vigil- 
ance, that  war  appeared  to  be  almost  a  normal  state 
of  affairs  to  us. 

The  leaders  on  the  other  side  were  men  bred  to 
the  same  traditions  as  we  were.  Officers  fought 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      47 

officers  with  whom  they  had  gone  to  school,  and 
with  whom  they  had  served  and  had  messed.  The 
recollection  of  old  comradeship,  while  softening  the 
amenities  of  a  civil  conflict,  also  touched  us  the  more 
deeply  with  the  sense  of  its  horrors  and  waste,  and 
brought  to  its  conduct  something  of  the  spirit  of 
professional  rivalry.  Unlike  the  officers  of  volun- 
teer infantry  who  marched  South  to  meet  strangers 
against  whom  a  strong  sectional  feeling  had  been 
aroused,  we  knew  our  adversaries  well.  We  were 
very  fond  of  them  personally.  To  us  they  had 
neither  horns  nor  tails.  We  felt  that  they  were  fine 
fellows  who  were  in  the  wrong,  and  we  knew  that 
they  entertained  the  same  feeling  toward  us.  We 
did  not  mean  that  they  should  beat  us.  They  did 
not  mean  that  we  should  beat  them.  This  ac- 
counted for  the  fearful  stubbornness  with  which  we 
fought;  and  future  generations,  who  may  wish  that 
all  the  energy  spent  had  not  been  against  brothers 
but  in  a  common  cause  against  a  foreign  foe,  can  at 
least  rejoice  in  the  heritage  of  the  skill  and  courage 
displayed  in  a  struggle  which  has  no  equal  in  magni- 
tude or  determination,  unless  in  the  Napoleonic  wars. 
On  May  10,  1861,  I  reported  for  duty  on  board 
the  old  side-wheeler  Mississippi  (known  as  a  steam- 
frigate),  on  which  I  served  until  she  was  set  on  fire 
by  the  batteries  of  Port  Hudson  in  March,  1863, 
when  she  perished  on  the  river  for  which  she  was 
christened.  It  was  the  wonder  of  her  funnels,  spout- 


48  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ing  smoke  to  make  her  wheels  move,  and  the  sight 
of  her  guns  that  so  impressed  the  Japanese,  when 
Commodore  Perry  appeared  off  Tokio  with  her  as 
his  flag-ship,  that  they  concluded  the  treaty  which 
opened  up  Japan  to  Western  progress.  From  her, 
Mississippi  Bay,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Yokohama, 
takes  its  name. 

She  was  now  assigned  to  the  blockade  of  the 
Gulf,  and  her  captain  was  T.  O.  Selfridge,  who  was 
in  command  of  a  steam  man-of-war  for  the  first  time. 
As  yet  the  blockade  was  hardly  maintained  in  a  rigid 
fashion.  The  old  captains  were  so  fearful  of  the 
loss  of  their  ships  that  they  were  inclined  to  take 
few  risks.  A  quasi-engagement  near  the  mouths  of 
the  Mississippi  took  place,  which  was  hardly  more 
gratifying  to  the  navy  than  Bull  Run  was  to  the 
army.  The  steam  sloop  Richmond,  two  sailing  sloops, 
and  a  small  side-wheel  steamer,  having  entered  the 
river,  were  surprised  at  anchor  at  the  head  of  the 
passage  just  before  daybreak  by  a  ram,  later  known 
as  the  Manassas,  which  had  been  originally  a  Boston 
tug-boat.  She  rammed  the  Richmond  and  drove  the 
Federal  ships  into  retreat.  This  incident,  known  as 
"Pope's  Run,"  from  the  name  of  the  Federal  com- 
mander, was  pretty  exasperating  to  the  pride  of 
service  of  the  more  energetic-minded  officers  of  the 
navy. 

The  Mississippi  saw  only  the  dreary  monotony 
of  blockading  without  any  fighting  until  Flag-Officer 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      49 

David  G.  Farragut  arrived  off  Ship  Island  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1862,  to  begin  the  campaign  which  was  to  lay 
New  Orleans  under  our  guns.  From  the  day  that  he 
took  command  the  atmosphere  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Ship  Island,  which  was  our  important  naval  base 
for  the  Gulf,  seemed  to  be  surcharged  with  his  en- 
ergy. When  Mr.  Fox  had  proposed  the  attack  on 
New  Orleans,  the  most  wealthy  and  populous  city 
of  the  Confederacy,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  said:  "Go 
ahead,  but  avoid  a  disaster";  by  which  he  meant, 
no  doubt,  that  in  case  of  failure  he  did  not  want  to 
see  a  loss  which  would  be  a  serious  blow  to  Northern 
prestige. 

After  a  canvass  of  all  the  captains  in  the  navy, 
Farragut,  on  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Fox  and 
of  Porter,  had  been  chosen  for  this  enterprise,  which 
was  to  make  his  reputation.  Though  there  is  truth 
in  the  saying,  "Young  men  for  war,  and  old  men  for 
counsel,"  it  does  not  always  hold.  Farragut  was  not 
one  of  the  captains  whose  initiative  had  been  weak- 
ened by  age.  The  only  criticism  ever  offered  of 
him  was  that  possibly  he  had  too  much  of  it.  But 
that  proved  a  very  winning  fault  for  him.  He  was 
sixty;  which  I,  at  least,  ought  not  to  consider  too 
old,  as  I  myself  was  sixty,  or  within  two  years  of 
statutory  retiring  age,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Span- 
ish War. 

In  the  late  seventies,  when  there  seemed  no  hope 
of  our  ever  having  a  modern  navy,  and  many  officers 


50  GEORGE  DEWEY 

were  talking  of  voluntary  retirement,  I  always  an- 
swered : 

"Not  until  the  law  makes  me.  While  you  are 
on  the  active  list  there  is  a  chance  for  action." 

Farragut  has  always  been  my  ideal  of  the  naval 
officer,  urbane,  decisive,  indomitable.  Whenever  I 
have  been  in  a  difficult  situation,  or  in  the  midst  of 
such  a  confusion  of  details  that  the  simple  and  right 
thing  to  do  seemed  hazy,  I  have  often  asked  myself, 
"What  would  Farragut  do?"  In  the  course  of  the 
preparations  for  Manila  Bay  I  often  asked  myself 
this  question,  and  I  confess  that  I  was  thinking  of 
him  the  night  that  we  entered  the  Bay,  and  with  the 
conviction  that  I  was  doing  precisely  what  he  would 
have  done.  Valuable  as  the  training  of  Annapolis 
was,  it  was  poor  schooling  beside  that  of  serving 
under  Farragut  in  time  of  war. 

Commander  Melancthon  Smith  succeeded  Cap- 
tain Selfridge  in  command  of  the  Mississippi,  before 
the  advance  on  New  Orleans.  By  this  time  the  six 
officers  who  were  senior  to  me  had  all  gone  to  other 
ships.  With  their  departure  I  ranked  next  to  the 
captain  and  became  executive  officer. 

I  was  very  young  for  the  post,  but  fortunately 
looked  rather  old  for  my  years.  Indeed,  I  remember 
being  asked  one  day,  when  there  was  a  question 
about  seniority  for  a  court-martial,  whether  or  not 
I  was  older  than  another  lieutenant,  who  was  in  fact 
my  senior  by  ten  years.  When  Farragut  explained 


CAPTAIN    MELANCTHON    SMITH,    COMMANDER    OF    THE 
"MISSISSIPPI" 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      51 

to  Captain  Smith  that  there  was  complaint  on  the 
part  of  some  officers  on  the  navy  list  about  my  hold- 
ing a  position  higher  than  theirs,  the  captain  said: 

"Dewey  is  doing  all  right.  I  don't  want  a 
stranger  here." 

Farragut,  who  was  fond  of  the  captain,  answered : 

"Then  we  will  let  him  stay." 

For  many  trying  months  I  was  about  as  close  to 
Smith  officially  as  it  is  possible  for  one  man  to  be  to 
another,  and  I  learned  to  know  and  enjoy  all  his 
qualities.  His  was  a  pronounced  character,  abso- 
lutely fearless,  with  something  of  Farragut's  grim 
determination  in  the  midst  of  battle.  He  smoked 
continually,  lighting  one  cigar  with  the  butt  of  an- 
other, whether  shells  were  bursting  around  him  or 
he  was  lounging  on  deck. 

In  action  he  became  most  energetic;  but  in  the 
periods  between  action  he  was  inclined  to  leave  all 
detail  to  his  executive.  His  hobby,  except  in  the 
matter  of  cigars,  was  temperance.  I  recollect  that 
he  saw  me  take  a  glass  of  champagne  that  was  offered 
to  me  when  I  was  in  the  house  of  a  Union  officer 
after  the  troops  had  taken  New  Orleans.  He  was 
puffing  at  a  cigar  as  usual. 

"Dewey,  do  you  drink  champagne?"  he  asked. 

I  had  not  tasted  any  for  months,  and  very  hard 
months  they  had  been. 

"Yes,  I  do  when  it  is  as  good  as  this.  I  don't 
very  often  get  a  chance,  these  days,"  I  answered. 


52  GEORGE  DEWEY 

"If  I  had  known  that,"  he  said,  very  soberly, 
"I  do  not  think  that  I  should  have  had  so  much 
confidence  in  you." 

However,  he  made  a  report  after  the  loss  of  our 
ship  that  indicated  that  he  still  thought  pretty  well 
of  me;  and  on  his  death  after  the  war,  when  he  had 
reached  the  rank  of  rear-admiral,  he  left  me  his 
epaulets  and  cocked  hat. 

He  was  also  quite  as  religious  as  Farragut,  who 
had  unswerving  belief  in  Providence  as  he  had  faith 
in  the  righteousness  of  the  Union  cause.  One  of  the 
stories  that  went  the  rounds  about  Farragut  was 
that  once  after  he  had  said  grace  at  dinner  in  his 
cabin  he  followed  his  amen  with  an  outburst  of 
"It's  hot  as  hell  here!"  The  time  was  midsummer 
on  the  Mississippi. 

In  the  course  of  the  preparations  for  taking  New 
Orleans,  when  every  man  Jack  of  us  was  hard  at  it 
from  sunrise  to  sunset,  there  was,  naturally,  some 
profanity.  The  men  swore  over  their  exasperating 
task,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that,  as  the  director  of 
their  efforts,  I  may  have  sworn.  One  day,  when  we 
had  a  particularly  trying  job  on  hand,  the  captain 
appeared  on  deck  from  his  cabin,  where  he  had  been 
overhearing  the  flow  of  sailor  language.  He  looked 
as  if  he  had  borne  about  all  he  could.  He  told  me 
to  have  all  the  crew  lay  aft.  I  ordered  them  aft. 
Then  he  said: 

"Hereafter,  any  officer  caught  swearing  will  be 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      53 

put  under  suspension,  and  any  man  caught  swearing 
will  be  put  in  double  irons." 

Having  delivered  this  ultimatum  he  returned  to 
his  cabin.  There  was  an  end  of  swearing  on  the 
Mississippi  from  that  minute.  Profanity  in  the 
navy,  particularly  on  the  part  of  officers,  was  a  relic 
of  the  days  of  rations  of  grog  and  boarding  with  the 
cutlass.  An  oath  by  an  officer  in  giving  a  command, 
however  exasperated  he  is,  has  ceased  to  be  a  means 
of  expressing  emphasis.  The  crew  of  the  Mississippi 
found  that  they  could  work  just  as  well  without 
swearing. 

And  how  we  did  work!  Many  of  the  junior  offi- 
cers were  volunteers  from  the  mercantile  marine, 
not  yet  familiar  with  naval  customs,  and  many  of 
the  men  were  practically  raw  recruits  yet  untrained. 
In  fact,  a  leavening  of  experienced  naval  officers  had 
more  or  less  to  act  as  teachers  for  the  greatly  in- 
creased personnel  in  the  midst  of  active  war  condi- 
tions. 

The  Pensacola  and  our  ship,  the  Mississippi, 
were  the  heaviest  draught  vessels  that  had  attempted 
to  go  up  the  river.  On  account  of  our  heavy  gun- 
power  it  was  most  important  that  we  should  take 
part  in  the  forthcoming  battle  of  New  Orleans.  Far- 
ragut  already  had  the  rest  of  the  fleet  in  the  river 
waiting  for  us  to  get  over  the  bar  of  the  Southwest 
Pass  when  we  came  in  from  the  blockade.  We  light- 
ened ship  by  removing  most  of  our  spars  and  rigging 


54  GEORGE  DEWEY 

and  by  emptying  our  bunkers.  With  our  boats  we 
took  a  day's  supply  of  coal  from  the  collier  each  day. 
Under  a  full  head  of  steam,  and  assisted  by  the  use 
of  anchors  and  by  tow-lines  from  the  steamers  of  the 
mortar  flotilla,  both  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pensa- 
cola  worked  their  way  through  a  foot  of  mud  over 
the  bar. 

But  the  forty-gun  frigate  Colorado  had  to  remain 
outside.  Her  crew  was  largely  distributed  among 
other  ships.  Her  captain,  Theodorus  Bailey,  a  most 
gallant  old  officer,  did  not  want  to  miss  being  in  the 
forthcoming  engagement.  Farragut  told  him  that  he 
might  go  on  board  any  ship  he  chose  and  such  ship 
should  lead  in  the  attack,  a  suggestion  which,  of 
course,  had  to  reckon  with  a  welcome  from  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  ship  chosen.  No  naval  cap- 
tain wants  another  man  who  ranks  him  on  board, 
particularly  during  an  action. 

Captain  Smith  expressed  himself  very  candidly 
to  this  effect  when  Captain  Bailey  concluded  that  he 
should  like  to  go  on  board  the  Mississippi,  and  Far- 
ragut decided  to  put  Captain  Bailey  as  a  divisional 
commander  on  board  the  Gayuga,  one  of  the  gun- 
boats which  was  to  lead  the  first  division.  Thus 
Captain  Bailey  had  a  better  assignment  than  he  an- 
ticipated, while  all  the  captains  of  the  larger  vessels 
were  equally  pleased  at  the  arrangement. 

Between  us  and  New  Orleans  were  the  two  strong 
forts,  St.  Philip  and  Jackson,  facing  each  other  at  a 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      55 

strategic  point  across  a  bend  in  the  river  where  the 
channel  was  narrow;  and  above  them  was  an  ob- 
struction of  chain-booms  and  anchored  hulks,  which 
we  must  pass  through.  Once  we  had  cleared  a  way 
through  the  obstruction  we  had  to  face  the  Confed- 
erate River  Defense  Squadron. 

David  D.  Porter,  now  advanced  to  the  rank  of 
commander,  had  brought  from  the  North  a  mortar 
flotilla  of  which  great  things  were  expected.  It  was 
thought  that  the  mortars  might  reduce  the  forts  by 
their  heavy  bombardment,  or  at  least  silence  their 
guns  while  the  fleet  made  its  passage.  There  were 
twenty  of  the  mortar  schooners,  each  mounting  a 
thirteen-inch  mortar.  Porter  put  them  in  position 
close  to  the  wooded  bank  of  the  river,  quite  hidden 
from  the  forts,  and  disguised  them  by  securing  tree 
branches  to  their  masts. 

On  the  1 8th,  the  day  after  we  were  over  the  bar, 
he  opened  fire.  By  carefully  weighing  the  powder 
and  measuring  the  angle  excellent  practice  was  made. 
All  night  long,  at  regular  intervals  of  about  ten  min- 
utes, a  mortar  shell  would  rise,  its  loop  in  the  air  out- 
lined by  the  burning  fuse,  and  drop  into  the  forts. 
It  must  have  been  pretty  hard  for  the  gunners  of 
the  forts  to  get  any  sleep.  We,  with  the  fleet,  were 
too  busy  to  sleep  much,  but  we  were  soon  so  accus- 
tomed to  the  noise,  and  so  dog-tired  when  we  had  a 
chance  to  rest,  that  we  could  have  slept  in  an  inferno. 

Every  day  gained  was  vital  to  Farragut.     One 


56  GEORGE  DEWEY 

day  might  make  the  difference  of  having  to  face  either 
one  or  both  of  the  new  Confederate  iron-clads  being 
rushed  to  completion  with  feverish  haste.  As  so 
frequently  happened,  his  celerity  served  him  well. 

After  crossing  the  bar  the  vessels  had  to  be  pre- 
pared for  the  river  work  before  them.  They  were 
trimmed  by  the  head,  so  that  if  they  grounded  it 
would  be  forward.  In  the  swift  current  of  the  river, 
if  we  grounded  aft  the  ship  would  at  once  turn  with 
her  head  downstream.  Where  feasible,  guns  were 
mounted  on  the  poops  and  forecastle,  and  howitzers 
in  the  tops,  with  iron  bulwarks  to  protect  the  gun 
crews.  Farragut  believed  in  plenty  of  armament. 
From  him  we  have  that  multum  in  parvo  of  tactics: 
"The  best  protection  against  an  enemy's  fire  is  a  well- 
directed  fire  of  your  own."  But  heavy  gun-power 
in  relation  to  tonnage  was  a  principle  with  our  navy 
from  its  inception. 

It  was  an  oddly  assorted  fleet  that  had  been  mob- 
ilized for  the  battle  of  New  Orleans.  A  year  had 
now  elapsed  since  Sumter  had  been  fired  upon,  and 
most  of  that  time  had  been  spent  in  getting  ready  for 
war,  rather  than  in  making  war.  As  both  sides  were 
equally  unprepared,  the  nation  scarcely  realized  the 
effect  of  unpreparedness.  How  bitterly  we  would 
have  realized  it  against  a  foe  ready  in  all  respects 
for  conflict!  It  was  not  a  matter  of  building  a  navy 
according  to  any  deliberate  and  well-conceived  plan, 
but  of  providing  such  material  as  we  could  in  haste 


ADMIRAL    DAVID    G.    FARRAGUT 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      57 

with  the  resources  of  the  times,  having  in  mind  that 
we  were  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution  in  naval  war- 
fare, when  any  enterprising  development  like  the 
Monitor  or  the  ram  might  upset  all  calculations. 

First,  Farragut  had  the  big  screw  sloops  Hart- 
ford, Pensacola,  Richmond,  and  Brooklyn;  then  the 
side-wheeler  Mississippi;  the  screw  corvettes  Oneida, 
Veruna,  and  Iroquois;  nine  screw  gun-boats  of  five 
hundred  tons,  which  were  known  as  the  "ninety-day 
gun-boats,"  because,  with  characteristic  American  en- 
terprise in  a  crisis,  they  had  been  turned  out  by  our 
ship-yards  in  ninety  days.  In  addition  was  the  mor- 
tar flotilla,  not  to  mention  ferry-boats  and  many  other 
craft  that  did  service  of  one  sort  or  another.  Far- 
ragut was  always  on  the  move,  overseeing  every- 
thing in  person,  breathing  an  air  of  confidence  and 
imparting  a  spirit  of  efficiency.  In  those  days  he 
went  from  ship  to  ship,  rowed  by  sailors,  but  later 
he  had  a  steam  tender. 

There  was  hardly  a  night  that  the  flag-ship  did 
not  signal  to  send  boats  to  tow  fire-rafts.  These 
fire-rafts  were  one  of  the  pleasantries  of  the  enemy 
to  try  our  nerves.  In  connection  with  the  luminous 
flight  of  the  mortar  shells,  they  offered  us  quite  all 
the  spectacular  display  that  we  were  able  to  appre- 
ciate. A  fire-raft  floating  down  with  the  current  at 
five  knots  an  hour,  flaming  high  with  its  tar  and 
resin,  would  illuminate  the  river  from  bank  to  bank; 
and  if  it  could  have  rested  alongside  a  ship  for  even 


58  GEORGE  DEWEY 

a  few  minutes  it  must  inevitably  have  set  the  ship 
on  fire.  Launches  used  to  throw  grapnels  into  the 
rafts,  and  other  boats,  forming  line,  would  tow  them 
to  the  shore,  where  they  would  burn  themselves  out. 

On  the  night  of  the  2Oth  of  April  occurred  one  of 
those  brilliant  exploits  of  daring  courage  so  common 
in  the  Civil  War  that  they  became  merely  incidents 
of  its  progress.  Any  one  of  them  in  a  smaller  war, 
when  public  attention  is  not  diverted  over  a  vast 
scene  of  activity,  would  have  won  permanent  fame. 
Lieutenant  Caldwell,  commanding  one  of  the  ninety- 
day  gun-boats,  the  Itasca,  and  Lieutenant  Crosby, 
commanding  another,  the  Pinola,  undertook  the  duty 
of  cutting  the  obstruction  across  the  river  above  the 
forts.  Until  there  was  a  way  through  this,  the  whole 
fleet  would  be  held  helpless  under  the, fire  of  the  forts; 
while  turning  for  retreat  in  the  swift  current  would 
have  meant  confusion. 

During  a  heavy  bombardment  from  the  mortars 
they  slipped  upstream  under  cover  of  the  bank.  At 
times  so  rapid  were  Porter's  gunners  in  their  work 
that  there  were  nine  shells  in  the  air  at  once.  His 
object,  of  course,  was  to  keep  down  the  fire  of  the 
forts  as  much  as  possible  in  case  the  Itasca  and  the 
Pinola  were  discovered.  They  were  discovered,  but 
not  until  they  had  reached  the  obstruction. 

As  they  had  taken  out  their  masts  it  was  difficult 
for  the  gunners  in  the  uncertain  light  to  distinguish 
the  gun-boats  from  the  anchored  hulks  that  had 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR      59 

been  used  in  making  the  obstruction  complete. 
Laboring  under  fire,  the  gun-boats  succeeded  in  a 
task  which  took  them  hours,  and  which  would  have 
been  suicidal  had  the  forts  possessed  a  modern  search- 
light. It  was  concluded  in  dramatic  fashion.  After 
Caldwell,  in  the  course  of  his  and  Crosby's  ma- 
noeuvring, had  got  above  the  obstruction,  with  a  full 
head  of  steam  and  the  current  to  assist  him,  he 
rammed  a  stretch  of  chain,  which  snapped  and  left 
a  space  broad  enough  for  any  vessel  of  the  fleet  to 
pass  through. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS 

ABOUT  midnight  on  April  23  came  the  signal 
for  which  we  were  all  waiting,  two  red  lights  at  the 
peak  of  the  flag-ship.  It  meant  that  the  fleet  was 
to  get  under  way.  We  were  ready  and  eager  for  the 
test  after  the  long  strain  of  preparation,  in  which  all 
manner  of  ingenious  suggestions  had  been  applied 
in  order  that  the  fleet  might  get  by  the  forts  with 
as  little  damage  as  possible.  Our  hulls  had  been 
daubed  with  river  mud  in  order  to  make  them  less 
visible  in  the  darkness.  Captain  Alden,  of  the  Rich- 
mond, had  the  idea,  which  worked  out  excellently, 
of  having  the  decks  around  the  guns  whitewashed 
so  that  the  implements  required  in  the  working  of 
the  guns  could  be  easily  identified  by  the  gunners 
as  they  picked  them  up  for  use. 

And  with  what  insistent  care  we  had  drilled  the 
guns'  crews  in  order  to  insure  rapidity  of  loading 
and  firing!  To  protect  vital  parts  of  the  ships  from 
the  impact  of  projectiles,  chain  cables  were  secured 
to  the  ship's  sides.  As  the  Mississippi  was  a  side- 
wheeler  we  stowed  our  cables  in  the  coal  bunkers, 
between  the  wheels  and  the  boilers  and  machinery. 

Though  we  hoped  that  the  fire  of  the  mortars  might 
60 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   61 

keep  down  the  fire  of  the  forts,  it  was  evident  from 
all  these  precautions  that  Farragut  was  not  over- 
sanguine  on  this  score.  Before  the  fleet  started, 
Lieutenant  Caldwell,  early  in  the  evening,  made  an- 
other trip  up  the  river  to  make  sure  that  the  way  was 
clear,  and  this  time  a  cutter  actually  rowed  through 
the  opening  and  sounded  with  a  lead  line. 

The  Mississippi's  position  in  the  advance  was 
directly  astern  of  the  Pensacola  in  the  first  division 
under  Captain  Bailey,  while  Farragut  with  the  Hart- 
ford  led  the  second  division.  Our  orders  were  to 
keep  in  column,  maintaining  distance  from  the  ship 
ahead.  It  was  evident  that  the  ship  in  the  lead 
would  have  the  advantage,  perhaps,  of  getting  well 
by  the  forts  before  she  was  discovered,  while  the 
ships  following  would  be  subject  to  any  delays 
caused  by  her.  Captain  Smith,  of  the  Mississippi, 
had  opposed  trying  to  make  the  passage  in  the  night. 
His  idea  was  to  go  ahead  full  speed  by  day,  fighting 
our  way.  Thus  there  would  be  no  danger  of  running 
aground  and  we  would  know  just  what  we  were  doing. 

"I  cannot  see  in  the  night,"  he  declared,  with 
characteristic  brevity.  "I  am  going  to  leave  that 
to  you,  Dewey.  You  have  younger  eyes." 

He  took  charge  of  the  battery,  while  I  took  up 
my  post  on  the  hurricane  deck  from  which  we  handled 
the  ship.  For  a  man  of  twenty-four  I  was  having 
my  share  of  responsibility.  I  was  also  to  have  my 
baptism  of  fire.  But  I  had  little  time  to  consider 


62  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  psychology  of  an  experience  which  is  the  source 
of  much  wonder  and  speculation  to  the  uninitiated. 
When  it  comes,  you  are  utterly  preoccupied  with 
your  work;  you  are  doing  what  you  have  been  taught 
is  your  duty  to  do  as  a  trained  unit  on  a  man-of-war. 
Only  after  the  danger  is  over  is  it  time  to  reflect. 
The  wait  before  action  is  the  period  of  self-conscious- 
ness, which  ends  with  the  coming  of  the  first  shot 
from  the  enemy  or  the  command  to  "Fire!"  from 
your  own  side. 

Adapting  our  speed  to  that  of  the  Pensacola, 
which  was  without  lights,  as  all  the  vessels  were,  we 
steamed  ahead,  while  the  booming  of  the  howitzers 
and  the  swish  of  their  shells  through  the  air  made 
music  for  our  progress. 

Just  as  the  Pensacola  drew  abreast  of  the  forts 
the  enemy  discovered  her  and  opened  fire.  We  were 
so  near  the  forts  that  we  could  hear  the  commands 
of  the  officers.  The  Pensacola  stopped  and  fired  both 
broadsides  which  at  first  seemed  to  demoralize  the 
enemy. 

A  second  time  the  Pensacola  stopped  and  dis- 
charged broadsides;  and  it  was  soon  evident  from 
the  fact  that  the  forts  kept  on  firing  that,  although 
the  mortars  might  reduce  the  fire  from  the  forts, 
they  could  by  no  means  silence  them;  nor  could  the 
Pensacola,  which  had  the  heaviest  armament  of  any 
of  our  ships,  silence  them  except  for  a  brief  interval 
during  the  effect  of  her  broadsides.  Therefore,  all 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   63 

the  ships,  in  order  to  get  by,  must  run  the  gauntlet 
of  a  heavy  fire. 

It  was  most  puzzling  to  me  why  the  Pensacola 
had  stopped,  in  view  of  the  orders  to  steam  past 
without  delay.  Either  she  could  not  resist  pausing 
to  engage  the  forts,  or  else  there  was  something  wrong 
with  her  engines.  The  latter,  I  believe,  was  the  real 
reason.  At  all  events,  she  did  stop  twice,  which 
meant  that  we  also  had  to  stop.  The  Mississippi 
herself  was  already  under  fire  and  returning  it,  and 
while  my  attention  was  centred  in  trying  to  keep 
astern  of  the  Pensacola,  I  received  warning  of  an 
attack  from  another  quarter. 

Farragut  had  assigned  to  us  Mr.  Waud,  an  artist 
for  an  illustrated  weekly.  When  he  had  asked  for 
the  best  position  from  which  to  witness  the  spectacle 
Captain  Smith  advised  the  foretop,  where  we  had  a 
twenty-four-pound  howitzer.  Waud  was  an  observ- 
ant as  well  as  a  gallant  man,  and  from  the  foretop 
he  could  see  everything  that  was  taking  place  even 
better  than  we  could  from  the  hurricane  deck. 

"Here  is  a  queer-looking  customer  on  our  port 
bow,"  he  called  to  me. 

Looking  in  the  direction  which  he  indicated  I 
saw  what  appeared  like  the  back  of  an  enormous 
turtle  painted  lead  color,  which  I  identified  as  the 
ram  Manassas,  which  had  driven  the  Federal  ships 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river  the  previous  autumn,  in 
the  action  called  "Pope's  Run."  She  was  rebuilt 


64  GEORGE  DEWEY 

entirely  for  the  purpose  of  ramming,  and  if  she  were 
able  to  deliver  a  full  blow  in  a  vital  spot  she  was 
capable  of  disabling  any  ship  in  the  fleet. 

The  darkness  and  the  confusion  perfectly  favored 
the  role  for  which  she  was  designed.  By  prompt 
action  we  might  put  a  dangerous  opponent  out  of 
commission  before  she  had  done  any  damage.  There 
was  no  time  in  which  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  cap- 
tain, who  was  busy  with  the  battery  below.  I  called 
to  starboard  the  helm  and  turned  the  Mississippi's 
bow  toward  the  Manassas,  with  the  intention  of  run- 
ning her  down,  being  confident  that  our  superior 
tonnage  must  sink  her  if  we  struck  her  fairly. 

But  A.  F.  Warley,  her  commander,  a  former 
officer  of  our  navy,  was  too  quick  for  us.  His  last 
service  had  been  in  the  Mississippi  in  a  round-the- 
world  cruise.  He  appreciated  her  immobility  in 
comparison  with  the  mobility  of  his  own  little  craft 
and  sheered  off  to  avoid  us.  But,  then,  sheering  in, 
he  managed  to  strike  us  a  glancing  blow  just  abaft 
the  port  paddle-wheel. 

The  effect  of  the  shock  was  that  of  running 
aground.  The  Mississippi  trembled  and  listed  and 
then  righted  herself.  When  I  saw  the  big  hole  that 
the  ram  had  left  in  our  side  I  called,  "Sound  the 
pumps!"  to  the  carpenter,  an  experienced  old  sea- 
man, who  was  on  the  main  deck  near  me. 

"I  have  already,  sir,"  he  answered,  "and  there 
is  no  water  in  the  wells." 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   65 

He  had  acted  promptly  and  instinctively  in  his 
line  of  duty.  If  there  were  no  water  I  knew  that 
there  was  nothing  to  worry  about.  It  was  the 
sturdy  construction  of  the  Mississippi  that  had  saved 
us  from  serious  damage.  As  she  was  one  of  our  earli- 
est steam  men-of-war,  her  builders  had  taken  ex- 
treme care  lest  the  fear  expressed  in  some  quarters 
that  her  engines,  making  about  ten  revolutions  a 
minute,  would  shake  her  to  pieces,  should  be  justi- 
fied. She  was  filled  in  solid  between  the  frames. 
The  impact  of  the  ram,  which  would  have  sunk  any 
other  ship  in  the  fleet,  had  taken  out  a  section  of 
solid  timber  seven  feet  long,  four  feet  broad,  and  four 
inches  deep.  About  fifty  copper  bolts  had  been  cut 
as  clean  as  if  they  were  hair  under  a  razor's  edge.  I 
remember  seeing  their  bright,  gleaming  ends  when  I 
looked  down  from  the  hurricane  deck  in  my  first 
glimpse  of  that  hole  in  our  side. 

If  Warley,  who  knew  just  where  the  Mississippi 
was  vulnerable,  had  been  able  to  strike  forward  of 
the  paddle-wheel,  as  he  evidently  was  planning  to 
do  when  we  caught  sight  of  the  Manassas  and  went 
for  her,  he  would  have  disabled  one  of  our  leading 
ships.  This  would  have  been  a  feather  in  his  cap. 
But  he  gave  a  very  lively  account  of  himself,  how- 
ever, before  the  night  was  over,  and  the  Mississippi 
had  another  chance  at  him. 

The  formation  of  the  ships  in  our  rear  was  pretty 
well  broken  up.  Every  ship  was  making  its  own 


66  GEORGE  DEWEY 

way  in  the  melee  out  of  danger.  Particularly  was 
this  true  of  the  second  division,  under  the  lead  of  the 
Hartford  with  Farragut  on  board.  When  she  came 
abreast  of  the  forts  the  enemy  had  steadied  down.- 
The  prefatory  period  of  bombardment  by  Porter's 
flotilla  had  hardened  them  to  mortar  fire;  and  now 
they  were  hardened  to  broadsides  and  had  the  range 
of  the  passing  ships.  So  they  stuck  to  their  guns 
calmly  and  made  the  most  of  their  own  fire.  The 
Hartford  and  Brooklyn  received  a  terrific  cannonade. 

Meanwhile  the  Manassas,  like  some  assassin  in 
the  night,  had  proceeded  down  through  the  fleet, 
greeted  by  fire  from  our  ships  whenever  she  was 
recognized,  and  watching  a  chance  for  a  murderous 
thrust.  She  succeeded  in  putting  a  hole  in  the 
Brooklyn,  which  might  have  been  most  serious  were 
it  not  for  the  anchor  chains  on  the  Brooklyn's  side 
which  resisted  the  blow. 

Throughout  the  passage  of  the  forts  fire-rafts 
were  coming  down-stream  to  add  to  the  picturesque- 
ness  of  the  lurid  scene  and  the  difficulty  of  keeping 
our  course.  One  of  these  rafts  nearly  brought  the 
career  of  Farragut's  flag-ship  to  a  close.  It  was 
pushed  by  a  little  thirty-five-ton  tug  called  the 
Mosher,  manned  by  a  dozen  men  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  man  named  Sherman.  To  him  belongs 
the  credit  of  one  of  the  most  desperate  strokes  of 
heroism  I  have  ever  known.  It  is  an  example  of 
how  the  South,  with  its  limited  resources,  was  able 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS      67 

to  maintain  its  gallant  struggle  for  four  years  against 
great  odds. 

His  tug  had  no  guns  and  no  armor.  In  the  face 
of  certain  destruction  from  the  guns  of  the  Hartford, 
he  pushed  the  raft  against  the  Hartford's  side.  The 
Moshers  captain  and  crew  all  lost  their  lives,  as  far 
as  is  known,  but  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
flames  darting  up  the  Hartford's  rigging  and  burst- 
ing through  the  ports,  which,  thanks  to  the  disci- 
pline of  her  crew,  were  quenched.  But  though  he 
had  lost  his  flag-ship,  Farragut  would  have  gone  past 
the  forts  with  what  remained  of  his  fleet.  We  may 
be  sure  of  that. 

In  passing  the  forts  the  Mississippi  had  fired 
grape  and  five-second  shell  from  alternate  guns.  I 
was  surprised  to  see  how  well  the  forts  stood  our 
own  pounding  and  also  how  well  we  stood  theirs. 
Though  the  Mississippi  had  been  hit  a  number  of 
times,  our  loss  had  been  trifling — two  killed  and  a 
few  wounded.  To  judge  by  the  noise,  and  the 
flashes  of  the  mortars  in  air,  and  the  guns  from  the 
forts,  and  the  busy  fleet,  it  seemed  as  if  the  de- 
struction done  must  be  far  worse  than  it  was. 

I  remember,  however,  as  we  passed  out  of  range 
of  the  forts,  thinking  that  some  of  the  ships  cer- 
tainly would  not  get  by.  Three  failed,  these  being 
in  the  rear  of  the  second  division.  Of  course  we 
were  all  new  to  war.  Neither  our  aim  nor  the  Con- 
federates' was  as  accurate  as  it  was  later;  for  ex- 


68  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ample,  at  Port  Hudson.  In  time  we  learned  to  pay 
attention  less  to  the  quantity  of  fire  and  more  to  the 
extent  of  its  effect. 

From  all  we  had  heard  we  were  expecting  a  hard 
fight  once  we  were  beyond  the  obstructions  above 
the  forts.  The  Confederates  had  taken  pains  not  to 
minimize  the  reports  of  the  formidability  of  their 
River  Defence  Squadron.  But,  as  so  often  happens, 
the  enemy  in  reality  was  not  anything  like  so  pow- 
erful as  rumor  had  made  him.  The  big  iron-clad 
Mississippi  had  not  been  completed  in  time  to  leave 
her  dock  in  New  Orleans,  while  her  sister  ship,  the 
Louisiana,  unable  to  move  under  her  own  steam,  had 
been  anchored  above  the  obstructions  to  play  the 
part  of  a  floating  battery. 

The  business  of  taking  care  of  the  other  vessels 
of  the  Confederate  River  Defence  Squadron  fell  to 
the  other  vessels  of  our  fleet.  The  Mississippi  had 
an  individual  score  to  settle.  Dawn  was  breaking 
and  we  were  just  making  out  the  ships  around  us, 
off  the  quarantine  station,  when  we  sighted  that  per- 
sistent ram  Manassas  coming  up  astern  in  her  effort 
to  attack  the  fleet  a  second  time.  The  work  of  the 
battery  being  over,  Captain  Smith  was  on  the  hurri- 
cane deck  with  me.  So  deeply  was  he  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  ante-bellum  days,  when  officers  might  be 
censured  for  acting  on  their  own  initiative  without 
waiting  for  an  order  from  a  superior,  that  he  felt 
that  he  must  first  ask  permission  before  attacking 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   69 

the  ram.  He  steamed  alongside  a  gun-boat  which  he 
had  mistaken  at  first  sight  for  the  Cayuga,  the  flag- 
ship of  the  flag-officer  of  our  division,  Captain  Bailey. 

"I  want  permission  to  run  down  the  ram!"  he 
called  to  the  gun-boat. 

Just  as  we  saw  our  error,  while  every  minute  was 
valuable,  the  Hartford,  smoke-blackened  from  the 
fire  which  the  fire-craft  had  caused,  and  looking  a 
veritable  battle-stained  and  triumphant  veteran  of 
war,  came  steaming  by.  Farragut  was  in  her  rig- 
ging, his  face  eager  with  victory  in  the  morning  light 
and  his  eyes  snapping. 

"Run  down  the  ram!"  he  called. 

I  shall  never  forget  that  glimpse  of  him.  He  was 
a  very  urbane  man.  But  it  was  plain  that  if  we  did 
not  run  the  Manassas  down,  and  promptly,  he  would 
not  think  well  of  us.  I  never  saw  Captain  Smith 
happier  than  he  was  over  this  opportunity.  He  was 
a  born  fighter. 

"Can  you  turn  the  ship?"  he  asked  me. 

"Yes,  sir,"  I  answered. 

I  did  not  know  whether  I  could  turn  her  or  not, 
but  I  knew  that  either  I  was  going  to  do  so  or  else 
run  her  aground.  Indeed,  the  Mississippi  had  not 
yet  made  a  turn  in  the  narrow  part  of  the  river,  and 
it  was  a  question  if  she  could  turn  under  her  own 
steam  without  assistance.  But  with  so  strong  an 
incentive  at  the  first  trial  we  succeeded  beautifully. 

When  Warley  saw  us  coming  he  did  not  attempt 


70  GEORGE  DEWEY 

to  ram.  He  realized  that  the  momentum  of  his  three 
hundred  and  eighty-four  tons  was  no  match  for  our 
sixteen  hundred  and  ninety-two  tons  when  we  were 
coming  straight  for  him.  As  the  Mississippi  bore 
down  on  him,  he  dodged  our  blow  and  drove  the  nose 
of  the  Manassas  into  the  bank.  We  fired  two  broad- 
sides that  wrecked  her.  Her  crew  began  crawling 
ashore  over  her  bows,  and  Captain  Smith  immedi- 
ately sent  a  boat  in  charge  of  an  officer  to  board  and 
report  her  condition.  He  returned  with  Warley's 
signal-book  and  diary,  to  say  that  the  outboard  de- 
livery pipes  had  been  cut,  and  that  the  Manassas 
was  sinking  by  the  stern. 

Captain  Smith  disliked  to  give  up  the  idea  of 
saving  her.  But,  meanwhile,  the  gunners  in  the 
forts  had  found  that  the  Mississippi  was  in  range, 
and  they  began  to  pour  in  an  increasingly  heavy  fire. 
As  one  weary  gun's  crew  after  another  was  called  to 
their  stations,  and  their  welcome  of  our  return  to  the 
scene  of  the  night's  activities  grew  hotter,  it  was  out 
of  the  question  for  the  Mississippi  to  remain  a 
stationary  target.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but  to 
send  the  boat  back  in  a  hurry  to  set  the  Manassas  on 
fire,  and  for  the  Mississippi  to  join  the  fleet  at  the 
quarantine  station. 

A  little  later  the  weight  of  the  water  flowing  into 
the  Manassas' 's  stern  raised  her  bow  so  that  she 
floated  free  and  drifted  down  the  stream.  As  she 
appeared  around  the  bend  the  mortar  flotilla,  which 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   71 

was  not  yet  entirely  certain  of  the  result  of  the 
night's  work,  had  a  few  moments  akin  to  panic,  and 
some  of  the  unprotected  auxiliaries  of  the  fleet  made 
ready  for  flight.  When  her  condition  was  recog- 
nized an  effort  was  made  to  secure  her,  but  before 
anything  could  be  accomplished  she  exploded  and 
sank. 

The  Mississippi,  proceeding  upstream,  found  the 
fleet  anchored  seven  miles  above  the  forts  at  quar- 
antine, and,  as  we  steamed  among  the  vessels,  all 
the  crews  broke  into  hearty  cheers  for  us  over  the 
news  that  we  had  brought.  It  was  then  that  we 
saw  our  Varuna,  a  screw  corvette  of  thirteen  hun- 
dred tons,  sunk  to  her  top-gallant  forecastle.  But 
she  was  the  fleet's  only  loss.  She  had  been  the  sec- 
ond ship  in  line  astern  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  first 
division.  Being  very  speedy  she  had  gone  ahead  of 
us,  passing  the  forts  in  less  than  fifteen  minutes,  and 
found  herself  in  the  van  of  the  whole  fleet,  engaging 
the  Confederate  River  Defence  Squadron.  For  a 
while  she  was  without  support.  She  fought  with  a 
gallantry  worthy  of  her  impetuosity,  until  she  was 
finally  rammed  by  the  Stonewall  Jackson,  while  the 
Cayuga  and  the  Oneida  coming  up  finished  the  work 
which  she  had  begun  by  utterly  routing  the  enemy. 
We  saw  its  results  in  the  burning  wrecks  of  the  De- 
fence Squadron  along  the  banks  of  the  river.  A 
broadside  of  canister  had  decided  part  of  a  Confed- 
erate regiment  in  camp  along  the  levee  to  surrender. 


72  GEORGE  DEWEY 

From  the  time  that  the  two  red  lights  had  given  the 
signal  from  the  flag-ship  to  get  under  way  until  we 
were  at  quarantine  only  five  hours  had  elapsed. 

The  fleet  steamed  from  the  quarantine  station  to 
a  point  about  fifteen  miles  below  New  Orleans,  where 
it  anchored  for  the  night.  Weary  as  we  were,  there 
was  very  little  sleep  for  any  one,  as  fire-rafts  and 
burning  ships  were  drifting  past  us  all  night. 

So  far  as  we  knew,  the  rest  of  the  journey  up  to 
New  Orleans  would  be  without  obstacles  and  in  the 
nature  of  a  parade.  The  next  morning  we  were 
under  way  early,  with  everybody  eager  for  a  first 
sight  of  the  city  whose  location  we  knew  by  the  smoke 
rising  from  the  Confederate  storehouses  and  ship- 
ping which  had  been  set  on  fire.  Our  purser,  an 
elderly  man  whose  place  in  battle  was  below  looking 
after  the  wounded,  was  standing  beside  me  on  the 
hurricane  deck,  when  suddenly  batteries  opened  fire 
from  both  banks  of  the  river  at  the  ships  ahead. 

"Oh,  that  rash  man  Farragut!"  he  exclaimed. 
"Here  we  are  at  it  again!" 

But  the  opposition  from  the  batteries  Chalmette 
and  McGehee  was  not  formidable.  Breaches  for  four- 
teen guns  had  been  made  in  the  levee  walls,  which 
was  to  become  a  favorite  method  of  expeditiously 
emplacing  a  battery  for  a  few  salvos  at  a  passing 
ship  in  the  Mississippi  River  campaign.  We  suf- 
fered little  damage  ourselves,  while  we  smothered 
Chalmette  and  McGehee  with  our  broadsides.  Soon 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   73 

we  were  abreast  of  the  panic-stricken  city,  where  we 
found  that  the  Confederates  had  destroyed  every- 
thing which  they  thought  would  be  of  military  assist- 
ance to  us,  including  the  formidable  iron-clad  Missis- 
sippi, which  was  on  the  ways.  Our  guns  not  only 
commanded  the  streets,  but  also  the  narrow  strip  of 
land  which  was  the  city's  only  outlet  except  through 
the  swamps. 

The  taking  of  New  Orleans  was  the  sensational 
achievement  of  the  war  thus  far.  With  the  flash  of 
the  splendid  news  through  the  North,  Farragut  be- 
came the  hero  of  the  hour.  Succeeding  victories 
could  only  brighten  the  fame  that  he  had  won.  If 
he  had  not  been  a  conspicuous  captain  before  the 
war,  probably  it  was  because  he  had  not  the  gift 
of  self-advertisement  which  often  wins  attention  in 
time  of  peace. 

How  many  bubble  reputations  of  that  sort  were 
burst  in  the  first  stages  of  the  Civil  War!  But 
happily  Mr.  Fox  knew  Farragut  professionally,  and 
therefore  his  merits,  and  he  was  given  important 
work  to  do  immediately.  Under  another  com- 
mander the  story  of  New  Orleans  might  have  been 
different.  Success  always  makes  success  seem  easy. 
Many  a  commander  could  have  found  excuses  for 
not  trying  to  run  the  forts  or  for  delay,  which  would 
have  meant  that  both  of  the  new  Confederate  iron- 
clads would  have  been  ready  for  battle  when  the 
passage  was  finally  made.  Like  Grant,  Farragut 


74  GEORGE  DEWEY 

always  went  ahead.  Instead  of  worrying  about  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  he  made  the  enemy  worry 
about  his  own  strength. 

The  Confederates  had  felt  that  New  Orleans  was 
secure.  It  did  not  seem  to  them  that  Yankee  enter- 
prise would  be  equal  to  a  stroke  over-sea  at  such  a 
distance  from  our  Northern  ports.  Surrounded  by 
low  land,  the  most  populous  city  of  the  Confederacy 
was  protected  from  land  attack;  but  not  from  occu- 
pation by  troops  under  escort  of  a  naval  force  mak- 
ing a  dash  up  the  river. 

As  soon  as  it  was  evident  that  New  Orleans  was 
ours  for  the  occupation,  Farragut  sent  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Iroquois  back  down  the  river  to  reinforce 
the  force  which  he  had  left  at  quarantine.  Neither 
the  forts  nor  the  iron-clad  Louisiana  had  yet  surren- 
dered. But  the  position  of  both  was  untenable. 
We  were  in  their  rear  and  they  were  effectually  cut 
off  from  the  rest  of  the  Confederacy.  Indeed,  a 
part  of  the  weary  garrison  of  the  forts  practically 
mutinied  against  holding  out  any  further. 

On  the  28th  the  final  terms  of  surrender  were 
made,  through  Porter,  in  command  of  the  mortar 
flotilla  below  the  forts,  which  had  not,  of  course,  fol- 
lowed the  fleet.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  stretching  my 
legs  ashore  and  of  inspecting  the  results  of  the  mor- 
tar fire  on  the  forts.  I  was  not  deeply  impressed  by 
the  damage  that  had  been  done.  The  shells  had  cut 
the  levee  bank  in  places  and  seepage  had  filled  the 


THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS   75 

bottom  of  the  forts  with  mud.  When  a  shell  sank 
in  this  it  made  a  great  splutter  without  much  de- 
structive effect.  Yet  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  moral 
value  of  the  mortar  fire  in  assisting  the  passage  of 
the  fleet. 

Among  the  Confederate  ships  was  the  McRae, 
which  had  been  mercilessly  engaged  by  the  Iroquois. 
Her  casualties  in  the  exchange  of  broadsides  at  close 
quarters  had  been  very  heavy.  Among  the  mortally 
wounded  was  her  commander,  Thomas  B.  Huger, 
whose  case  parallels  that  of  Warley,  of  the  Manassas. 
His  last  service  in  the  United  States  Navy  had  been  in 
the  ship  which  he  unsuccessfully  engaged.  Charles 
W.  Read  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  McRae. 

Read  had  been  appointed  to  Annapolis  from 
Mississippi,  and  was  at  the  Naval  Academy  part  of 
the  time  that  I  was,  being  in  the  class  of  1860. 
Now,  I  met  him  under  circumstances  that  could 
appeal  only  to  the  chivalry  of  the  victorious  side. 

"Savey"  Read,  as  he  was  known  to  his  fellow- 
midshipmen,  came  on  board  the  Mississippi  to  get 
permission  to  take  his  dying  captain  and  the  other 
wounded  of  the  McRae  to  New  Orleans.  Later  dur- 
ing the  war  he  captured  one  of  our  vessels,  and  set 
forth  on  a  career  up  and  down  our  coast  worthy  of 
the  days  of  Drake.  Whenever  he  took  a  vessel  that 
he  liked  better  than  the  one  with  which  he  made  the 
capture,  he  would  transfer  his  flag  to  her.  Appear- 
ing suddenly  in  the  harbor  of  Portland,  Maine,  which 


76  GEORGE  DEWEY 

was  about  the  last  place  in  which  any  one  would  have 
expected  to  see  him,  he  was  able  to  cut  out  one  of 
our  revenue-cutters,  but  was  taken  before  he  could 
get  away  with  his  prize. 

As  a  prisoner  of  war  he  had  to  be  quiet  for  a 
while;  but  eventually  he  was  exchanged.  Just  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  war  he  reappeared  on  the  Red 
River.  There  he  loaded  the  ram  Webb  with  cotton 
and  succeeded  in  passing  our  ships  at  New  Orleans; 
but  about  fifty  miles  below  the  city  he  met  the  Rich- 
mond. Though  it  seems  possible  that  he  might  have 
got  by  her,  he  ran  the  Webb  ashore  and  set  her  on 
fire.  He  was  on  his  way  to  Havana,  and  if  he  had 
arrived  there  with  his  cargo,  such  was  the  high  price 
of  cotton  at  the  time,  he  would  have  made  a  small 
fortune  with  which  to  make  a  fresh  start  in  life.  I 
understand  that  he  closed  his  career  as  a  pilot  of  the 
Southwest  Pass  in  the  Mississippi  delta. 


CHAPTER  VI 

IN  NEW  ORLEANS 

WE  were  invaders  and  in  our  own  land.  I  was 
to  have  plenty  of  time  in  which  to  appreciate  the 
bitterness  toward  the  Northerner  on  the  part  of  the 
people  of  a  Southern  city  which  was  noted  for  its 
hospitality  to  strangers.  For  the  Mississippi  was 
stationed  off  New  Orleans  as  a  guard-ship  for  nearly 
a  year.  She  was  thought  to  be  of  too  heavy  draught 
to  proceed  up  the  river  with  the  other  ships  in  the 
spring  of  1862,  when  Farragut  made  his  first  run  past 
Vicksburg.  Remaining  behind  with  her  was  the 
Pensacola. 

Moreover,  it  was  important  that  some  naval 
force  should  keep  the  streets  under  its  guns  and  be 
ready  to  assist  the  army.  General  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler's army  of  occupation  was  none  too  numerous  to 
look  after  a  population  that  was  doing  everything 
possible  to  hamper  it,  while  no  doubt  the  adult  males 
who  were  still  at  home — most  of  them  were  up  the 
river  with  the  Confederate  army — would  have  risen 
at  the  first  opportunity.  In  fact,  they  often  de- 
clared that  they  would  yet  drive  the  Yankees  into 
the  river. 

One  of  the  forgings  of  the  Mississippi's  paddle- 

77 


78  GEORGE  DEWEY 

wheel  had  been  broken.  We  could  not  repair  it  and 
must  have  a  new  one  to  take  its  place.  When  we 
sought  to  have  this  made  we  found  that  the  only 
place  with  facilities  was  the  foundry  and  ship-works 
that  had  been  constructing  the  Confederate  iron-clads 
Louisiana  and  Mississippi.  The  owner  positively 
refused  to  serve  a  Yankee  ship  in  this  fashion.  We 
had  to  admire  his  loyalty  to  his  cause;  but  war  is 
war  and  we  needed  the  forging.  So  General  Butler 
was  informed  of  the  refusal.  He  acted  with  cus- 
tomary promptness  by  putting  the  recalcitrant  foun- 
dryman  under  arrest,  and  was  about  to  send  him 
to  Fort  Jackson,  when  his  wife  came  on  board  the 
Mississippi  to  see  Captain  Smith.  She  said  that 
her  husband's  health  was  very  poor,  and  confinement 
in  Fort  Jackson,  which  was  in  an  insalubrious  loca- 
tion, must  mean  his  death.  He  had  changed  his 
mind  and  would  make  the  forging  now  if  he  were 
released.  She  had  been  timid  about  going  to  Gen- 
eral Butler — whom  New  Orleans  regarded  as  a  veri- 
table monster — but  wouldn't  Captain  Smith  inter- 
cede with  the  general? 

Captain  Smith  said  that  he  had  no  interest  in 
having  her  husband  imprisoned,  and  he  would  much 
rather  have  him  making  the  forging  than  on  his  way 
to  Fort  Jackson.  He  sent  me  to  see  the  general,  an 
eccentric,  resourceful,  determined  character,  hardly 
inclined  to  suavity,  who  had  about  the  most  thank- 
less task  that  could  fall  to  a  general  officer.  He  was 


IN  NEW  ORLEANS  79 

in  no  danger  of  allowing  sentiment  to  interfere  with 
his  rigorous  sense  of  duty.  He  meant  to  make  sure 
that  there  was  no  uprising  against  him  and  that  his 
soldiers  were  respected. 

I  found  him  in  full  uniform  at  a  desk,  with  his 
sword  on  and  two  loaded  revolvers  lying  in  front  of 
him  as  a  precaution  against  assassination,  of  which 
he  was  in  some  danger  from  the  rougher  elements  of 
the  population.  He  agreed  with  the  view  of  Cap- 
tain Smith;  and  while  he  was  having  a  note  writ- 
ten for  the  prisoner's  release  I  remember  that  he 
pointed  to  a  chest  in  the  room  and  said: 

"That  contains  all  of  Judah  P.  Benjamin's  pri- 
vate papers." 

Benjamin  was  then  secretary  of  state  of  the 
Confederacy.  He  afterward  became  queen's  coun- 
sel, with  an  immense  practice  as  a  barrister,  in 
England. 

I  was  able  to  deliver  the  note  for  the  foundry- 
man's  release  just  as  the  boat  with  him  on  board, 
bound  for  Fort  Jackson,  was  casting  off  from  the 
wharf. 

On  occasion  the  general  could  manifest  a  good 
deal  of  acerbity  of  temper.  Some  hitches  occurred 
between  the  land  and  the  sea  forces,  as  usually  hap- 
pens when  the  two  sister  but  distinct  services,  re- 
porting to  separate  commands,  are  aiming  to  work 
in  harmony. 

One  of  the  general's  cares  was  sanitation.     He 


8o  GEORGE  DEWEY 

was  guarding  against  an  epidemic  of  yellow-fever 
with  a  rigid  quarantine.  The  Tennessee,  one  of  the 
men-of-war,  under  command  of  Captain  Philip  John- 
son, came  up  the  river,  and,  contrary  to  the  general's 
regulations,  ran  past  quarantine.  In  fact,  the  ship 
had  been  off  the  yellow-fever-infected  port  of  Gal- 
veston  on  the  blockade,  but  had  never  allowed  any 
of  her  crew  ashore.  And  her  reason  for  not  stopping 
was  a  good  one.  She  was  leaking  badly,  and  the  only 
way  that  she  could  stay  afloat  was  by  keeping  her 
circulating  pumps  at  work.  If  she  stopped  her  en- 
gines the  pumps  would  stop.  When  Butler  heard 
of  this  infraction  of  his  rules  he  sent  for  Captain 
Johnson,  and,  despite  Johnson's  explanation,  broke 
into  one  of  those  abusive  tirades  of  which  he  was 
known  to  be  a  master. 

"I  have  a  great  mind  to  put  you  in  the  parish 
prison,"  Butler  announced  in  the  presence  of  a  num- 
ber of  his  officers. 

"Oh,  no,  you  won't,"  Johnson  answered.  "And, 
besides,  you  must  not  talk  to  me  that  way.  If  your 
own  officers  will  permit  it,  I  won't." 

As  a  lawyer  Butler  saw  the  point  and  waived 
the  argument  on  this  score,  but  sent  word  to  Com- 
modore Henry  W.  Morris,  of  the  Pensacola,  the 
senior  naval  officer  present,  that  the  regulations 
must  be  obeyed  and  the  Tennessee  must  return  and 
ride  out  her  quarantine.  Commodore  Morris  could 
be  as  urbane  as  Farragut.  He  was  agreeable  to  the 


IN  NEW  ORLEANS  81 

general's  ultimatum,  but  he  said  that  inasmuch  as 
there  had  been  exchanges  of  visits  between  the  Ten- 
nessee and  the  other  vessels  of  the  navy  lying  in  the 
river  their  crews  must  also  have  been  infected,  and 
therefore  they  would  all  go  to  quarantine.  This 
would  leave  the  general's  force  of  occupation  with- 
out the  moral  support  of  the  guns  of  the  navy  com- 
manding the  streets.  Though  he  affected  contro- 
versially not  to  have  a  very  high  opinion  of  the  navy, 
he  had  not  so  poor  an  opinion  of  it  that  he  wanted 
to  see  us  depart.  So  he  allowed  the  crippled  Ten- 
nessee to  remain.  She  did  not  develop  any  cases 
of  yellow-fever. 

Butler  was  so  extraordinary  a  character  that  per- 
haps another  anecdote  which  refers  to  him  may  be 
worth  repeating.  When  the  Mississippi  returned 
down  the  river  after  Farragut  had  anchored  his  fleet 
off  New  Orleans,  we  found  a  French  gun-boat  at 
quarantine.  She  had  been  cruising  along  the  coast, 
as  many  foreign  gun-boats  were  doing,  looking  after 
the  interests  of  their  nations  and  gaining  professional 
points  about  naval  warfare  which  would  be  of  ser- 
vice to  their  naval  staffs  at  home.  The  French  com- 
mander asked  Captain  Smith  if  there  were  any  ob- 
jection to  his  going  to  New  Orleans,  where,  of  course, 
there  were  a  great  many  French  subjects  living.  It 
was  quite  within  his  international  rights  that  he 
should  go,  and  Captain  Smith  consented.  When 
Butler,  who  was  disembarking  his  troops  and  pre- 


82  GEORGE  DEWEY 

paring  to  occupy  the  city,  heard  of  this,  he  took  a 
contrary  view. 

"We  don't  want  the  Frenchman  around.  He 
might  make  trouble,"  he  said. 

Captain  Smith  sent  me  aboard  the  gun-boat  to 
say  that  General  Butler  would  rather  that  she  waited 
a  few  days  before  proceeding  up  the  river. 

"General  Butler?  General  Butler?"  said  the 
French  commander.  "Oh,  yes!  He  is  Vavocat- 
general.  He  says  I  shall  stay?  Voila,  I  will  go!" 
So  he  went,  leaving  the  "lawyer-general"  pretty 
angry  but  helpless. 

Our  social  life  ashore  while  we  were  off  New 
Orleans  was  limited  mostly  to  the  scowls  of  the 
people  we  passed.  But  there  were  a  few  Union 
families  where  we  were  welcome.  The  courage  of 
their  loyalty  in  the  midst  of  what  seemed  to  us  uni- 
versal disloyalty  was  very  appealing.  In  most  in- 
stances they  were  families  who  had  recently  come 
from  the  North  and  had  not  yet  imbibed  the  senti- 
ments of  their  surroundings.  But  the  true  South- 
ern woman  would  as  soon  have  invited  Satan  him- 
self as  a  Union  officer  to  her  house.  To  the  Creoles 
we  were  loathsome  Yankees,  and,  in  turn,  we  thought 
of  them  as  "rebels."  Confederate  was  a  little-used 
word  on  the  Federal  side  in  those  days. 

As  an  example  of  our  own  feeling  I  recall  an  oc- 
currence during  the  visit  of  a  British  gun-boat,  the 
Rinaldo.  She  was  commanded  by  Commander, 


IN  NEW  ORLEANS  83 

later  Vice-Admiral,  Hewett.  His  sympathies,  as 
were  the  sympathies  of  so  many  Englishmen,  were 
with  the  Confederacy.  As  New  Orleans  was  now 
again  in  the  control  of  the  United  States,  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  his  presence  there.  It  was  merely 
a  visit  to  the  port  of  a  country  with  which  England 
was  at  peace.  He  was  popular  with  the  New  Or- 
leans people,  and  went  about  a  great  deal  in  Creole 
society,  and,  in  return,  gave  entertainments  on  board 
the  Rinaldo,  at  which  the  Confederate  cause  was  ac- 
claimed, and  to  which  none  of  the  Federal  officers 
were  invited.  This  was  somewhat  exasperating  to 
the  Federals.  One  day  when  there  was  a  party  on 
board  the  Rinaldo  the  band  began  to  play  the  "  Bon- 
nie Blue  Flag,"  which  was  a  Confederate  air.  Cap- 
tain Smith  sent  for  me  at  once  and  told  me  to  go 
on  board  the  Rinaldo  and  tell  Hewett  that  that  air 
was  not  permitted  in  New  Orleans.  Hewett  was 
pretty  angry  when  he  received  the  captain's  mes- 
sage, but  he  had  to  recognize  that  this  time  we  were 
in  the  right.  The  air  was  not  played  on  board  the 
Rinaldo  again. 

Later  Hewett  put  his  sympathy  for  the  Con- 
federate cause  into  action.  Though  an  officer  of 
the  British  navy,  he  became  commander  of  one  of 
the  blockade-runners  which  were  fitted  out  in  Eng- 
land. When  our  government  privately  sent  word, 
as  I  understand  that  it  did,  that  any  British  naval 
officers  who  were  taken  serving  on  a  blockade-runner 


84  GEORGE  DEWEY 

would  be  returned  to  the  British  government  in 
double  irons  Hewett  resigned  his  command.  Many 
years  afterward,  in"  1886,  I  happened  to  meet  him 
in  the  United  Service  Club,  in  London.  We  had  a~ 
pleasant  conversation  without  once  alluding  to  the 
time  when  I  had  told  him  that  he  must  revise  his 
musical  programme. 

Being  on  board  a  man-of-war  off  New  Orleans 
through  the  summer  was  like  being  in  a  floating 
oven.  It  was  out  of  the  question  to  sleep  in  our 
cabins.  We  slept  on  deck.  I  do  not  suppose  that 
the  character  of  the  mosquitoes  on  the  Mississippi 
has  changed  with  the  passage  of  time.  There  was  a 
big  kind  popularly  called  "gallinippers,"  which 
seemed  to  find  shoe-leather  an  effective  means  of 
sharpening  their  proboscides  before  they  reached 
the  vulnerable  part  of  your  ankle. 

Our  existence  was  pretty  monotonous  for  naval 
officers  in  the  midst  of  the  great  war.  We  envied 
the  men  on  the  other  ships  on  the  blockade  or  up 
the  river  with  Farragut.  They  were  at  least  on  the 
move,  though  they  saw  little  fighting.  But  we  had 
one  compensation.  While  the  health  of  the  officers 
and  crews  up  the  river  had  been  bad,  we  had  extem- 
porized a  distilling-plant  on  board  the  Mississippi 
which  gave  us  pure  water  to  drink,  and  our  health 
had  been  excellent. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  BATTLE  OF   PORT  HUDSON 

THE  passage  of  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip  had 
been  lively  enough  for  the  fleet,  but  that  of  running 
the  batteries  of  Port  Hudson  was  to  prove  a  far  more 
serious  undertaking.  I  have  often  said  that  in  this 
action  I  lived  about  five  years  in  one  hour. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  spring  of  1863  Grant's  and 
Sherman's  armies  were  pressing  toward  Vicksburg. 
The  farther  that  the  Confederates  fell  back  the  more 
concentrated  became  their  forces  and  the  more  des- 
perate their  resistance.  After  Farragut  had  returned 
down  the  river  in  the  fall  they  had  become  awakened 
to  the  weakness  of  the  river's  defences  and  the  neces- 
sity of  keeping  open  communications  with  the  rich 
granary  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi  in  northern 
Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Texas. 

Their  natural  strongholds  were  Vicksburg  and 
Port  Hudson,  and  these  they  fortified  with  all  the 
guns  that  could  possibly  be  spared  from  other  points. 
They  had  not  the  facilities  that  the  North  had  for 
making  artillery.  Otherwise,  by  the  plentiful  distri- 
bution of  batteries  on  the  banks  of  the  river  where 
it  was  narrow  and  the  current  swift,  the  problem 
for  the  Union  fleet  would  have  been  much  worse 

85 


86  GEORGE  DEWEY 

than  it  was.  Efforts  at  blockade  with  single  de- 
tached vessels  had  failed,  owing  to  the  activity  of 
improvised  rams  and  gun-boats  which  the  Confed- 
erates kept  up  the  tributaries.  Farragut's  object  in 
trying  to  take  the  fleet  above  Port  Hudson  was  to 
shut  Vicksburg  off  from  supplies  on  the  river  side, 
while  the  army  was  shutting  it  off  on  the  land 
side. 

He  needed  every  available  ship  for  his  purpose; 
and  he  now  concluded  that  the  Mississippi  was  not  of 
too  heavy  draught  to  navigate  in  the  river  above 
New  Orleans.  She  was  never  meant  for  such  work, 
but  we  were  delighted  over  the  opportunity  for  any 
kind  of  action  after  the  dreary  monotony  of  survey- 
ing from  our  deck  the  wharves  of  New  Orleans.  As 
executive  officer  in  charge  of  the  general  details  of  the 
ship,  I  had  aimed  to  make  the  best  of  the  recess  and 
overcome  the  handicap  of  my  youth  by  my  zeal  in 
training  the  crew  of  three  hundred  men,  for  whom 
I  was  responsible  to  the  captain  in  the  same  way 
that  the  manager  of  a  corporation  is  responsible  to 
its  president  and  board  of  directors.  We  had  devel- 
oped the  discipline  of  a  regular  force,  and  certainly, 
if  drill  of  the  guns'  crews  counted  for  anything,  we 
should  be  correspondingly  efficient  in  battle. 

On  March  14,  1863,  we  had  anchored  off  Profit's 
Island,  which  is  seven  miles  below  Port  Hudson,  a 
little  town  that  went  into  history  because  it  hap- 
pened to  mark  a  sharp  bend  in  the  river  running 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      87 

west-southwest  for  a  distance  of  a  mile  or  more. 
Beginning  at  the  bend  was  a  line  of  bluffs  on  the 
east  bank,  varying  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  feet  in 
height.  On  the  opposite  bank  there  was  a  danger- 
ous shoal-point.  On  the  bluffs  were  heavy  guns  that 
could  bear  the  length  of  the  bend  and  cover  this 
point.  They  had  a  plunging  fire  on  us,  while  we 
had  to  fire  upward  at  them.  There  were  also  guns 
at  the  base  of  the  bluffs.  The  time  chosen  for  the 
passage  was  night,  again  much  against  the  predilec- 
tions of  Captain  Smith. 

First  and  last,  the  old  Mississippi,  on  account  of 
her  side-wheels,  had  been  in  a  class  by  herself  in  Far- 
ragut's  fleet.  Now  the  other  big  ships,  the  Hart- 
ford, the  Monongahela,  and  the  Richmond,  each  were 
to  have  a  gun-boat  made  fast  to  the  port  side,  which 
was  the  opposite  side  from  the  batteries.  The  ob- 
ject of  this  pairing  was  the  assistance  of  the  gun- 
boat in  helping  her  heavy-draught  companion  off 
the  bottom  if  she  ran  aground.  Thus  Farragut 
applied  the  principle  of  the  twin  screws'  facility  in 
making  a  short  turn  by  backing  with  one  screw  and 
going  ahead  with  the  other.  But  the  Mississippi, 
being  a  side-wheeler,  had  to  make  the  passage  with- 
out a  consort.  We  had  an  experienced  pilot  at  our 
service,  as  had  every  ship.  He  was  in  one  of  the 
cutters  under  the  guns  on  the  port  side,  where  he 
would  at  the  same  time  be  safe — for  his  safety  was 
most  important — and  near  enough  to  call  his  di- 


88  GEORGE   DEWEY 

rections  to  the  man  at  the  wheel.  Thus  a  river 
pilot  had  become  a  factor  in  fighting  a  ship  which 
had  been  built  to  fight  in  the  open  sea  with  plenty 
of  room  for  manoeuvring. 

Starting  at  10  p.  M.,  after  the  Hartford,  which 
led,  came  the  Monongahela  and  then  the  Richmond, 
with  the  Mississippi  bringing  up  the  rear.  Pos- 
sibly Farragut  realized  that  the  Mississippi  would 
be  the  most  likely  of  the  four  to  run  aground,  and 
therefore  assigned  her  to  a  position  where  she  would 
not  get  in  the  way  of  any  following  ship  if  she  did 
run  aground.  The  Hartford  was  already  past  the 
first  of  the  batteries  before  the  enemy  threw  up  a 
rocket  as  a  signal  that  she  was  seen,  and  the  whole 
crest  of  the  bluff  broke  into  flashes.  Piles  of  cord- 
wood  soaked  with  pitch  were  lighted  on  the  shore 
opposite  the  batteries  in  order  to  outline  the  ships 
to  the  Confederate  gunners.  One  of  my  Washing- 
ton friends,  Chief-Justice  White,  was  a  boyish  aide 
to  the  commanding  general  of  the  Port  Hudson  de- 
fences. He  tells  me  that  the  Confederates  got  the 
better  of  us  that  night,  and  I  must  say  that  I  have 
to  agree  with  him. 

The  air  was  heavy  and  misty.  Almost  imme- 
diately after  we  were  engaged,  a  pall  of  smoke  set- 
tled over  the  river  and  hung  there,  thickening  with 
the  progress  of  the  cannonading.  This  was  more 
dangerous  than  the  enemy's  fire,  which  was  pound- 
ing us  with  good  effect,  while  we  could  see  nothing 


THE   BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      89 

but  the  flashes  of  their  guns  as  a  target.  The  Hart- 
ford, however,  had  good  luck  as  well  as  advantage 
of  position.  She  was  at  least  pushing  ahead  of  her 
own  smoke,  while  every  other  ship  was  taking  the 
smoke  of  those  in  front  of  her.  The  Mississippi 
had  the  smoke  of  all  three. 

At  the  bend,  the  current  caught  the  Hartford 
and  swept  her  around  with  her  head  toward  the  bat- 
teries, her  stem  touching  ground.  But  the  Alba- 
tross, her  gun-boat  consort,  helped  her  off.  Then, 
applying  the  twin-screw  method,  with  the  Hartford 
going  ahead  strong  with  her  engines  while  the  Alba- 
tross backed,  the  Hartford  got  her  head  pointed  up- 
stream again  and  steamed  out  of  the  range  of  the 
batteries  with  a  loss  of  only  one  killed  and  two 
wounded.  The  Confederate  gunners  had  not  de- 
pressed their  guns  enough  for  the  Hartford,  but  they 
did  not  make  this  error  as  the  other  ships  came  in 
range. 

When  the  Richmond,  the  second  ship  in  line,  was 
in  front  of  the  last  battery,  a  shot  tore  into  her  en- 
gine-room. Such  was  its  chance  effect  that  it  twisted 
the  safety-valve  lever,  displacing  the  weight  and 
quickly  filling  the  engine-room,  fire-room,  and  berth 
deck  with  steam.  In  short  order  the  steam  pressure 
fell  so  low  that  she  could  not  go  ahead  under  her 
own  motive  power.  The  Genesee,  her  gun-boat,  was 
not  able  with  her  own  power  to  make  any  headway 
for  the  two  vessels  against  the  strong  current.  There 


90  GEORGE  DEWEY 

was  nothing  to  do  but  for  the  pair  to  make  an  expe- 
ditious retreat  downstream  to  safety. 

The  Richmond's  gunners,  working  in  furious  haste, 
intent  on  delivering  the  heaviest  possible  fire,  did 
not  know  that  their  ship  had  turned  around.  There- 
fore they  were  firing  toward  the  bank  opposite  that 
from  the  batteries.  Mistaking  the  flashes  of  the 
Mississippi's  guns  for  the  flashes  of  the  enemy's, 
they  fired  at  her.  On  our  part  we  did  not  know  in 
the  obscurity  of  the  smoke  and  darkness  that  our 
ships  had  been  disabled.  The  Richmond's  casual- 
ties included  her  executive  officer,  Lieutenant  A. 
Boyd  Cummings,  who  was  mortally  wounded. 

As  the  Monongahela  came  along  she  found  her- 
self in  the  range  of  musketry  from  the  low  bank  on 
the  port  side,  which  was  silenced  by  her  gun-boat, 
the  Kineo.  But  the  Kineo  received  a  shot  which 
jammed  her  rudder-post  and  rendered  the  rudder 
useless.  As  a  result  the  Monongahela  had  to  do  all 
the  steering.  She  ran  aground,  and  the  Kineo,  car- 
ried on  by  her  momentum  as  the  Monongahela  sud- 
denly stopped,  tore  away  all  of  her  fasts  by  which  she 
was  bound  to  the  Monongahela  except  one.  Then 
the  Kineo  got  a  hawser  to  the  Monongahela,  and, 
laboring  desperately,  under  fire,  succeeded  after 
twenty-five  minutes'  effort  in  getting  the  Monon- 
gahela free  of  the  bottom. 

Meanwhile,  Captain  McKinistry,  of  the  Monon- 
gahela, had  had  the  bridge  shot  away  from  under 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      91 

his  feet,  and  had  received  such  a  fall  in  consequence 
that  he  was  incapacitated.  Lieutenant-Commander 
N.  W.  Thomas  took  command  in  his  place.  The 
Kineo  drifted  on  downstream,  while  the  Mononga- 
hela  proceeded  on  her  way  until  a  heated  crank-pin 
stopped  her  engines,  when  she  had  to  drift  back 
downstream  under  the  fire  of  the  batteries.  She 
sustained  a  heavy  loss  in  killed  and  wounded. 

I  refer  to  the  experiences  of  the  three  ships  which 
had  preceded  the  Mississippi  in  order  to  show  the 
hazardous  nature  of  Farragut's  undertaking.  His 
flag-ship,  the  Hartford,  and  her  consort,  the  gun-boat 
Albatross,  were  all  of  his  command  which  he  had 
with  him  the  next  morning,  and  it  was  many  weeks 
before  any  of  the  other  ships  could  join  him. 

The  Mississippi,  bringing  up  the  rear,  was  soon 
enveloped  in  the  pall  of  smoke.  We  went  by  the 
Monongahela  when  she  was  aground  without,  so  far 
as  I  know,  either  seeing  or  being  seen  by  her.  Both 
Captain  Smith  and  myself  felt  that  our  destiny 
that  night  was  in  the  hands  of  the  pilot.  There 
was  nothing  to  do  but  to  fire  back  at  the  flashes  on 
the  bluffs  and  trust  to  his  expert  knowledge.  It  was 
a  new  experience  for  him,  guiding  a  heavy-draught 
ocean-going  ship  in  the  midst  of  battle  smoke,  with 
the  shells  shrieking  in  his  ears.  By  the  time  that 
the  Mississippi  came  within  range  of  the  batteries 
they  were  making  excellent  practice.  Our  mortar 
flotilla  posted  below  the  bend  was  adding  to  the  up- 


92  GEORGE  DEWEY 

roar.  When  there  was  a  cry  of  "Torpedoes!"  it 
might  have  been  alarming  had  we  not  seen  that 
bombs  striking  close  to  the  ship  had  splashed  the 
water  upon  the  deck.  None  actually  struck  us. 
Some  one  else  shouted,  "They're  firing  chain-shot 
at  us!"  an  error  of  observation  due  to  the  sight  of 
two  bombs  which  passed  by  in  company,  their  lighted 
fuses  giving  the  effect  of  being  part  of  the  same  pro- 
jectile. 

We  were  going  very  slowly,  feeling  our  way  as 
we  approached  the  shoal  point.  Finally,  when  the 
pilot  thought  that  we  were  past  it,  he  called  out: 
"Starboard  the  helm!  Full  speed  ahead!"  As  it 
turned  out,  we  were  anything  but  past  the  point. 
We  starboarded  the  helm  straight  into  it  and  struck 
just  as  we  developed  a  powerful  momentum.  We 
were  hard  aground  and  listing,  and  backed  with  all 
the  capacity  of  the  engines  immediately.  In  order 
to  bring  the  ship  on  an  even  keel,  we  ran  in  the  port 
battery,  which,  as  it  faced  away  from  the  bluffs,  was 
not  engaged.  Every  precaution  to  meet  the  emer- 
gency was  taken  promptly;  and  there  was  remark- 
ably little  confusion,  thanks  to  the  long  drills  which 
we  had  had  off  New  Orleans,  and  to  the  fact  that 
all  but  a  few  of  the  crew  had  already  been  under  fire 
in  passing  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip. 

But  no  amount  of  training  could  altogether  pre- 
pare men  for  such  a  situation  as  we  were  in.  With 
our  own  guns  barking,  and  the  engines  pounding, 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      93 

and  the  paddle-wheels  making  more  noise  than  usual, 
because  we  were  aground,  it  was  difficult  to  make 
commands  heard.  In  half  an  hour  the  engines  never 
budged  us,  while  steadfastly  and  even  unconcernedly 
the  engine-room  force  stuck  to  their  duties.  We 
were  being  more  frequently  hit;  the  toll  of  our  dead 
and  wounded  was  increasing.  Naturally,  too,  gun- 
ners of  the  enemy,  who  could  see  the  ship  outlined 
by  the  bonfires  on  the  bank  on  the  opposite  side  of 
us  from  the  batteries,  had  not  failed  to  note  that 
we  were  aground.  The  advantages  of  training  on  a 
stationary  target  allowed  them  to  make  the  most  of 
our  distress,  while  the  flashes  of  our  own  guns  and 
the  bursting  of  the  enemy's  shells  only  made  the 
intervals  of  darkness  the  more  baffling  to  the  eyes. 
I  remember  hunting  about  the  deck  for  Captain 
Smith  and  finding  him  lighting  another  cigar  with 
a  flint  quite  as  coolly  as  if  he  were  doing  it  when 
we  lay  anchored  off  New  Orleans. 

"Well,  it  doesn't  look  as  if  we  could  get  her  off," 
he  said. 

"No,  it  does  not!"  I  had  to  tell  him. 

Then  came  the  report  that  we  were  on  fire  for- 
ward in  the  store-room.  Investigation  proved  that 
this  was  true.  The  store-room  was  filled  with  all 
sorts  of  inflammable  material  and  was  below  the 
water-line,  supposedly  out  of  reach  of  any  shot. 

It  was  not  until  forty  years  afterward  that  I 
learned  how  the  fire  had  started,  and  this  from  a 


94  GEORGE  DEWEY 

gentleman  whom  I  met  at  Palm  Beach,  Florida.  He 
had  served  in  what  was  called  the  "hot-shot"  bat- 
tery. This  battery  had  a  furnace  in  which  they 
heated  their  round  shot  red-hot  before  firing  them: 
When  I  asked  him  how  they  kept  the  shot  from 
igniting  the  powder,  he  said:  "We  put  wads  of  wet 
hay  or  hemp  between  the  shot  and  the  powder." 
Our  bow  in  grounding  had  risen  so  that  the  store- 
room was  above  the  water-line,  and  one  of  these  hot 
shot  having  a  plunging  trajectory  had  entered.  While 
we  were  fighting  the  fire  in  the  store-room,  Captain 
Smith  had  given  the  order  to  throw  the  guns  of  the 
port  battery  overboard  in  the  hope  that  this  would 
lighten  the  ship  enough  to  float  her.  But  the  order 
was  never  carried  out.  He  had  to  face  the  heart- 
breaking fact,  to  any  captain  of  his  indomitable 
courage,  of  giving  up  his  ship.  He  had  opposed 
fighting  in  the  night  and  in  the  night  he  had  come 
to  grief. 

"Can  we  save  the  crew?"  he  asked  me. 

"Yes,  sir!"  I  told  him. 

But  there  was  no  time  to  lose.  Delay  only  meant 
still  more  wounded  to  move,  with  the  danger  of  the 
fire  in  the  store-room  reaching  the  magazine  before 
they  were  away.  Not  once  had  our  starboard  bat- 
tery ceased  firing.  The  gunners  had  kept  to  their 
work  as  if  they  were  sure  of  victory,  gaps  caused  by 
casualties  among  the  guns'  crews  being  filled  in  a 
fashion  that  was  a  credit  to  our  morale;  for  it  is  in 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      95 

such  a  crisis  as  this  that  you  may  know  whether  all 
your  labor  in  organization  and  drills  has  had  a  vital 
or  a  superficial  effect. 

And  the  battery  must  continue  to  fire  up  to  the 
very  minute  of  abandoning  the  ship,  the  gunners 
being  the  last  of  the  enlisted  men  to  go.  Down  on 
the  spar-deck  I  found  everybody  full  of  fight.  I  re- 
member as  I  passed  along  seeing  Ensign  Barker,  now 
Rear-Admiral  Albert  S.  Barker  (retired),  sighting  a 
gun.  To  show  what  a  small  detail,  even  in  a  time 
of  such  tension  as  that  was,  may  impress  itself  on 
the  mind,  I  recollect  that  Barker  was  wearing  eye- 
glasses. I  had  never  seen  him  with  them  on  before. 

"What  are  we  leaving  her  for?"  Barker  asked. 
He  was  thinking  only  of  his  part,  without  knowing 
that  there  was  a  fire  forward.  When  I  explained, 
he  comprehended  the  situation.  It  was  Barker  who 
brought  the  Oregon  out  to  Manila  after  the  Spanish 
War  and  who  took  over  the  command  of  the  Asiatic 
station  on  my  departure  for  home. 

The  three  boats  on  the  starboard  side  toward 
the  enemy's  batteries  had  all  been  smashed  by  shells. 
The  three  on  the  port  side  were  still  seaworthy. 

We  got  all  of  the  wounded  in  the  first  boat,  and 
started  that  down  the  river,  with  directions  to  go 
on  board  one  of  our  ships.  The  second  and  the 
third,  which  had  some  of  the  slightly  wounded,  as 
well  as  members  of  the  crew  who  were  unhurt,  were 
told  to  make  a  landing  near  by  on  the  bank  and  to 


96  GEORGE  DEWEY 

send  the  boats  back  immediately.  They  were  slow 
in  returning.  As  soon  as  they  were  against  the  ship's 
side  the  crew  began  crowding  and  the  officers  had 
difficulty  in  keeping  order.  For  the  moment  the 
bonds  of  discipline  had  been  broken.  The  men  were 
just  human  beings  obeying  the  law  of  self-preserva- 
tion. 

I  apprehended  the  reason  why  the  boats  had 
been  slow  in  returning.  There  was  disinclination 
on  the  part  of  the  oarsmen  who  had  reached  safety 
to  make  the  trip  back.  What  if  the  next  time  the 
boats  did  not  return  at  all?  They  were  our  only 
hope  of  safety.  To  swim  in  that  swift  river-current 
was  impossible.  To  expect  rescue  in  the  midst  of 
battle,  when  no  one  could  be  signalled  in  the  dark- 
ness and  pandemonium,  was  out  of  the  question. 
It  would  be  a  choice  of  drowning  or  of  burning  for 
those  who  were  caught  on  board  the  Mississippi. 

I  determined  to  make  sure  of  the  boats'  return, 
and  in  the  impulse,  just  as  they  were  going  to  push 
off,  I  swung  myself  down  by  the  boat-falls  into  one 
of  the  boats.  Not  until  we  were  free  of  the  ship  did 
I  have  a  second  thought  in  realization  of  what  I  had 
done.  I  had  left  my  ship  in  distress,  when  it  is  the 
rule  that  the  last  man  to  leave  her  should  be  the 
captain,  and  I  as  executive  officer  should  be  next  to 
the  last. 

That  was  the  most  anxious  moment  of  my  career. 
What  if  a  shot  should  sink  the  boat?  What  if  a 


THE   BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      97 

rifle  bullet  should  get  me?  All  the  world  would  say 
that  I  had  been  guilty  of  about  as  craven  an  act  as 
can  be  placed  at  the  door  of  any  officer.  This  would 
not  be  pleasant  reading  for  my  father  up  in  Vermont. 
He  would  no  longer  think  that  I  had  done  the  "rest" 
reasonably  well.  If  the  ship  should  blow  up  while  I 
was  away  and  I  should  appear  on  the  reports  as 
saved,  probably  people  would  smile  over  my  expla- 
nation. 

We  were  under  fire  all  the  way  to  the  shore,  but 
nobody  was  hit.  As  we  landed  on  the  beach  I  said 
to  the  men  in  the  boats: 

"Now,  all  of  you  except  four  get  to  cover  behind 
the  levee.  Those  four  will  stay  with  me  to  go  off 
to  the  ship." 

They  obeyed  one  part  of  my  command  with 
great  alacrity.  That  is,  all  but  one  scrambled  over 
the  levee  in  a  free-for-all  rush.  The  one  who  re- 
mained standing  was  a  big  negro,  the  ship's  cook. 
He  evidently  understood  that  I  meant  him  to  be 
one  of  the  four. 

"I'm  ready  to  go  with  you,  sir!"  he  said.  And 
he  was  perfectly  calm  about  it. 

Each  of  the  others  had  thought  that  the  order 
was  not  personal.  But  when  I  called  out,  shaming 
them,  in  the  name  of  their  race,  for  allowing  a  negro 
to  be  the  only  one  who  was  willing  to  return  to  save 
his  shipmates,  I  did  not  lack  volunteers. 

Then  in  the  dim  light  I  discerned  one  man  stand- 


98  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ing  by  the  other  boat,  which  had  landed  some  dis- 
tance up  the  beach. 

I  called: 

"Who  is  that  standing  by  the  cutter?" 

The  answer  came:  "It  is  I,  sir,  Chase"  (one  of 
the  acting  masters). 

"Why  don't  you  go  off  to  the  ship  and  get  the 
rest  of  the  officers  and  men?"  I  asked. 

"I  can't  get  the  men  to  man  the  boat!"  he  said. 

When  I  called  out  asking  if  they  meant  to  desert 
their  shipmates  there  was  no  reply.  Then  I  told 
Chase  to  use  his  revolver  and  make  them  go,  which 
he  did.  It  is  my  firm  belief  that  neither  one  of  the 
boats  would  have  ever  returned  to  the  ship  if  I  had 
not  gone  ashore  in  one  of  them. 

I  was  certainly  as  relieved  to  reach  the  ship  as 
the  men  had  been  to  reach  shore.  When  I  say  that 
I  lived  five  years  in  an  hour,  I  should  include  about 
four  and  a  half  of  the  years  in  the  few  minutes  that 
I  was  absent  with  the  boats. 

As  soon  as  I  was  on  deck  Captain  Smith  came  to 
me  and  said: 

"I  have  been  looking  all  over  for  you.  I  didn't 
know  but  that  you  had  been  killed." 

I  explained  hastily,  and  added  that  we  had  two 
empty  boats  alongside,  which  we  might  not  have 
had  except  for  my  indiscretion. 

"We  must  make  sure  that  none  is  left  aboard 
alive,"  said  the  captain. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PORT  HUDSON      99 

Then  we  began  a  search  whose  harrowing  mem- 
ory will  never  fade  from  my  mind.  We  went  up 
and  down  the  decks,  examining  prostrate  figures  to 
make  sure  that  no  spark  of  life  remained  in  them, 
haste  impelling  us  in  the  grim  task  on  the  one  hand, 
and,  on  the  other,  the  fear  that  some  poor  fellow 
who  was  still  unconscious  might  know  the  horror  of 
seeing  the  flames  creep  up  on  him  as  he  lay  power- 
less to  move.  Meanwhile,  we  kept  calling  aloud  in 
the  darkness  that  this  was  the  last  chance  to  escape. 
As  a  result  of  the  thorough  search,  we  found  one 
youngster,  little  more  than  a  boy,  who  was  so  faint 
that  he  could  scarcely  speak.  We  pulled  him  out 
from  under  the  body  of  a  dead  man,  in  the  midst 
of  a  group  of  dead  who  had  been  killed  by  the 
bursting  of  a  shell. 

The  next  step  was  to  make  certain  that  the  ship 
should  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Cap- 
tain Smith  gave  orders  to  fire  the  ship  in  two  places 
in  order  to  make  absolutely  sure  of  her  destruction. 
This  was  our  last  service  to  that  old  vessel  which 
had  known  so  many  cruises,  and  it  was  performed 
while  the  batteries  on  the  bluff  were  continuing  to 
improve  their  practice. 

With  Ensign  O.  A.  Batcheller  I  went  below  to 
start  a  blaze  in  the  wardroom,  which  is  both  the 
officers'  sitting-room  and  mess-room  and,  in  a  sense, 
their  home  afloat,  while  the  rest  of  the  ship  is  their 
shop.  I  had  a  lantern  with  me,  I  remember,  and 


ioo  GEORGE  DEWEY 

when  I  got  below  I  looked  around  at  the  bare  oak 
table  and  chairs,  wondering  what  there  was  that  I 
could  ignite.  I  did  not  want  to  delay  the  boat,  and, 
under  the  circumstances,  as  long  as  we  had  to  go, 
we  did  not  care  to  remain  in  that  inferno  of  shell- 
fire  any  longer  than  necessary.  I  ran  into  my  state- 
room, and  pulling  the  mattress  off  the  berth  hurried 
back  with  it  to  the  wardroom.  Then  I  ripped  it  open 
and  put  it  under  the  dining-table. 

When  I  had  piled  the  chairs  and  any  other  com- 
bustibles around  the  table,  I  took  the  oil  lamp  out 
of  the  lantern  and  plunged  it  into  the  mattress,  with 
the  result  that  I  had  a  blaze  which  required  imme- 
diate evacuation  of  the  wardroom  by  Batcheller  and 
myself.  My  mattress  was  all  that  I  had  tried  to  re- 
move from  my  state-room.  But  just  as  we  were  go- 
ing Batcheller  cried:  "I'll  save  that,  anyway!"  and 
seized  a  uniform  frock-coat  before  he  ran  up  the 
ladder  ahead  of  me. 

In  the  last  boat,  besides  the  captain,  were  one 
of  the  engineers,  Batcheller,  myself,  and  four  men. 
I  waited  on  my  juniors  to  precede  me,  and  then  the 
captain  waited  for  me,  so  that  he  was  the  last  man 
ever  to  press  his  foot  on  the  Mississippi's  deck. 
This  order  of  our  going  was  carried  out  as  regularly 
in  keeping  with  naval  custom  as  if  it  had  been  some 
formal  occasion  in  a  peaceful  port. 

As  soon  as  we  were  free  of  the  ship's  side  the 
powerful  current  caught  us  and  swung  us  down- 


THE   BATTLE  OF   PORT  HUDSON     101 

stream.  At  the  same  time,  the  fire  we  had  started 
in  the  wardroom  broke  through  the  skylight  in  a 
great  burst  of  flame,  illuminating  the  whole  after 
part  of  the  ship.  It  must  have  revealed  our  boat 
clearly  on  the  bosom  of  the  river,  and  it  was  a  signal 
to  those  on  the  bluffs  along  the  banks  to  break  into 
that  rebel  yell  which  I  then  heard  in  full  chorus  of 
victory  for  the  first  and  only  time  in  my  life.  It 
was  not  pleasant  to  the  ear.  The  Confederates  were 
gloating  over  what  was  the  most  triumphant  of 
sights  to  them  and  the  most  distressing  of  sights  to 
us.  I  remember  thinking :  "  How  they  must  hate  us ! " 

Meanwhile,  there  was  no  cessation  in  the  fire, 
and  our  boat  was  a  target  for  the  batteries.  Not 
one  of  the  officers  and  crew,  except  Ensign  Batchel- 
ler,  had  saved  any  of  his  personal  belongings.  All 
the  clothes  we  had  were  those  in  which  we  were 
clad.  Captain  Smith  had  on  his  sword,  and  also 
buckled  to  his  belt  a  pair  of  fine  revolvers.  He  still 
had  a  cigar  in  his  mouth,  and  was  as  calm  as  ever. 
But  suddenly  he  unbuckled  his  belt  and  threw  both 
sword  and  revolvers  overboard. 

"Why  did  you  do  that?"  I  asked. 

He  was  a  man  of  few  words,  who  made  up  his 
mind  decisively,  and  his  answers  were  always  prompt. 

"I'm  not  going  to  surrender  them  to  any  rebel," 
he  said.  This  illustrated  very  well  the  strong  feel- 
ings of  the  time,  which  now,  happily,  have  no  inter- 
est for  us  except  in  the  psychology  of  history. 


102  GEORGE  DEWEY 

"We  need  not  land,  but  go  to  one  of  our  ships 
downstream,"  I  answered. 

At  all  events,  I  concluded  to  keep  my  sword. 
Every  one  in  the  boat,  except  Captain  Smith  and 
myself,  was  at  the  oars,  rowing  as  energetically  as 
if  we  were  in  a  race.  I  had  the  tiller.  We  were 
moving  so  rapidly  that  we  were  not  hit,  and  when 
we  were  safe  around  the  bend  and  in  sight  of  the 
Richmond  of  our  fleet,  which  we  were  to  board  in 
safety,  it  was  evident  that  the  captain  had  been  a 
little  precipitate.  A  few  days  afterward,  when  he 
was  still  without  a  sword,  Captain  Smith  gave  my 
sword  a  glance  and  remarked: 

"You  would  not  have  had  that  if  you  had  fol- 
lowed your  captain's  example." 

This  was  said  without  a  smile,  very  much  in  the 
manner  of  a  bishop.  The  captain  would  have  made 
a  most  dignified  bishop  and  of  the  church  militant. 

I  recollect,  too,  Ensign  Batcheller  holding  up  the 
uniform  coat  he  had  saved,  after  we  had  reached 
the  Richmond,  as  a  token  of  the  advantage  he  had 
over  the  rest  of  us.  Ensign  E.  M.  Shepard  exam- 
ined the  coat  and  said: 

"Thanks,  very  much,  Batcheller,  but  that's  my 
coat!" 

So  it  was. 

Besides  setting  her  on  fire  in  two  places,  as  an 
additional  precaution  before  abandoning,  her,  we  had 
cut  the  Mississippi's  outboard  delivery  pipes.  Thus 


THE   BATTLE  OF   PORT  HUDSON     103 

she  filled  with  water  astern,  just  as  the  wreck  of  the 
ram  Manassas  had  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  and 
with  the  same  result.  Her  bow  was  lifted  sufficiently 
for  her  to  float  free  of  the  bottom,  and  she  swung 
around  with  the  current.  Her  port  guns  were  loaded, 
and  now,  as  they  faced  the  Confederate  batteries, 
the  heat  reached  the  primers  and  she  came  down- 
stream, a  dying  ship  manned  by  dead  men,  firing 
on  the  enemy;  and  some  of  the  shots,  I  am  told, 
took  effect. 

As  she  drifted  toward  us  a  mass  of  flame,  she  had 
the  whole  river  to  herself,  lighting  its  breadth  and 
throwing  the  banks  of  the  levee  in  relief.  The  Rich- 
mond slipped  her  chain  in  order  to  make  sure  of 
not  being  run  down.  Captain  Smith  and  his  officers 
were  standing  on  the  deck  of  the  Richmond  watch- 
ing her,  while  I,  with  that  rebel  yell  of  triumph  still 
echoing  in  my  ears,  was  thinking  of  the  splendid 
defiance  of  the  last  shots  in  her  guns  being  sent  at 
the  enemy. 

"She  goes  out  magnificently,  anyway !"  I  said  to 
the  captain,  glad  to  find  some  compensating  thought 
for  our  disaster  in  a  moment  when  all  of  us  were 
overwrought  by  what  we  had  been  through. 

"I  don't  think  so!"  he  returned  sharply. 

I  saw  that  he  had  misunderstood  the  idea  that 
led  to  my  remark.  I  shall  never  forget  the  look  on 
his  face  as  he  saw  his  ship  of  which  he  had  been 
so  proud  drifting  to  her  doom.  Farther  downstream 


io4  GEORGE  DEWEY 

she  went  aground  and  soon  after  exploded.  Such 
was  the  end  of  that  brave,  sturdily  built  old  side- 
wheeler. 

It  is  hard  to  say  whether  or  not  Port  Hudson 
can  be  considered  as  a  set-back  for  the  navy.  Far- 
ragut  himself  got  through.  The  affair  was  in  keep- 
ing with  his  character.  Though  the  three  other 
ships  failed,  the  navy  had  appeared  before  the  coun- 
try as  ready  to  take  any  risk.  We  had  made  amends 
for  the  disaster  at  Galveston  some  two  months  pre- 
viously, when  the  Westfield  had  been  destroyed  and 
the  Harriet  Lane  captured,  which  had  been  unfort- 
unate in  its  effect.  Considering  the  state  of  mind 
of  the  country,  the  need  was  for  some  deed  of  daring 
aggressiveness.  However,  the  Navy  Department  de- 
termined to  hold  in  its  leonine  old  fighter  a  little, 
and  he  was  told  not  to  risk  his  ships  where  it  could 
possibly  be  avoided. 

In  speaking  of  the  loss  of  the  Mississippi,  Farra- 
gut  said  that  he  was  sorry  to  lose  a  good  vessel  and 
so  many  brave  men,  but  that  you  could  not  make 
an  omelet  without  breaking  eggs.  When  Captain 
Smith,  who  was  as  serious  as  Cromwell  and  withal 
extremely  sensitive,  heard  this  remark,  he  appeared 
hurt;  for  he  said,  in  his  sober  fashion:  "He  calls 
us  an  omelet!"  Far  from  any  criticism  ever  being 
passed  in  any  quarter  on  the  abandonment  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  captain  had  letters  of  praise  for  his 
conduct  from  both  Mr.  Welles  and  Mr.  Fox.  "The 


THE   BATTLE  OF   PORT  HUDSON     105 

noble  ship  has  gone,"  wrote  Mr.  Fox,  "but  the  navy 
and  the  country  have  gained  an  example.  However, 
it  was  to  be  expected  of  him  who  in  this  war  has  done 
all  things  well." 

In  that  disaster,  as  in  every  action,  I  myself 
had  gained  experience  in  the  midst  of  danger  and 
confusion  when  I  was  still  young  enough  to  profit 
by  the  lesson.  No  word  of  commendation  I  have 
received  is  more  precious  to  me  than  that  of  Cap- 
tain Smith's  report,  in  which  he  said: 

"I  consider  that  I  should  be  neglecting  a  most 
important  duty  should  I  omit  to  mention  the  cool- 
ness of  my  executive  officer,  Mr.  George  Dewey,  and 
the  steady,  fearless,  and  gallant  manner  in  which 
the  officers  and  men  of  the  Mississippi  defended 
her,  and  the  orderly  and  quiet  manner  in  which  she 
was  abandoned." 


CHAPTER  VIII 
PRIZE  COMMISSIONER 

AFTER  the  battle  of  Port  Hudson  I  had  a  radical 
change  of  occupation  and  scene.  My  new  duties 
called  for  the  abilities  of  a  judge  and  a  merchant 
rather  than  those  associated  with  my  profession. 
As  prize  commissioner  at  New  Orleans  I  had  to 
adjudicate  controversies  concerning  cargo  captured 
on  the  blockade,  and,  when  I  had  declared  it  legiti- 
mate prize,  to  sell  it  for  the  government.  As  most 
of  the  contraband  was  cotton,  I  became  quite  an 
expert  in  the  fluctuations  of  the  cotton  market. 

The  auctioneer  who  acted  as  salesman  for  me, 
though  born  in  Kentucky,  was  a  pronounced  Union 
man.  When  he  first  came  to  New  Orleans  he  had 
sold  a  great  many  negroes  as  a  matter  of  course  in 
his  business.  Though  this  was  not  exactly  agree- 
able work,  he  had  not  developed  any  keen  sensitive- 
ness about  it.  Slavery  was  an  accepted  institution 
to  which  everybody  had  become  accustomed.  How- 
ever, a  single  revolting  and  illuminating  experience 
made  him  an  abolitionist. 

One  day  he  was  asked  to  go  to  a  hotel  to  look 
at  some  human  "property"  with  a  view-, to  its  sale 

to  the  highest  bidder.     The  man  who  owned  the 

1 06 


PRIZE  COMMISSIONER  107 

"property"  took  him  into  a  room  where  three  girls 
were  seated  sewing.  The  girls,  being  octoroons  and 
having  the  peculiarly  white  complexion  of  many  oc- 
toroons, were,  as  the  auctioneer  declared,  whiter 
than  his  own  daughter. 

"I  told  that  fellow  that  he  would  have  to  get 
somebody  else  to  sell  those  girls,"  he  said. 

He  made  up  his  mind  that  an  institution  that 
permitted  such  a  thing  ought  to  be  wiped  out.  He 
was  not  against  the  South,  but  against  slavery. 

As  I  lived  on  shore  rather  than  on  shipboard,  I 
came  to  see  a  great  deal  more  of  New  Orleans  than 
I  had  while  I  was  serving  on  a  ship  alongside  the 
wharves.  The  life  of  the  city  had  now  adapted  itself 
to  the  Union  occupation.  Business  went  on  quite 
as  usual.  Except  for  the  absence  of  many  of  the 
men  in  the  Confederate  army,  you  would  hardly 
have  realized  that  a  state  of  war  existed. 

With  the  appetite  of  youth,  after  navy  rations 
and  that  stiff  fight  at  Port  Hudson,  I  was  able  to 
do  justice  to  New  Orleans  cookery,  which  I  found 
was  worthy  of  its  reputation.  Never  before  had  I 
known  such  good  food  and  so  cheap.  We  had  not 
only  the  pompano  and  other  delicious  fish,  but  also 
that  delectable  upland  plover,  the  "papabote." 

My  service  as  Prize  Commissioner  was  relatively 
brief.  Summer  found  me  back  on  the  river  as  exec- 
utive officer  of  the  sloop  Monongahela,  which  was 
stationed  below  Port  Hudson,  under  my  old  cap- 


io8  GEORGE  DEWEY 

tain,  Melancthon  Smith,  for  a  short  time  until  he  was 
ordered  north,  when  Captain  Abner  Read  took  com- 
mand. As  the  Hartford  was  above  Port  Hudson, 
Farragut  made  the  Monongahela  his  flag-ship  when 
he  was  looking  after  operations  on  the  lower  reaches 
of  the  river.  He  lived  mostly  on  deck  and  natu- 
rally at  such  close  quarters  that  I  saw  a  great  deal 
of  him. 

He  was  not  given  to  "paper  work"  or  red  tape, 
by  which  I  mean  lengthy  written  detail  in  his  con- 
duct of  operations.  I  remember  the  simplicity  of 
his  methods  particularly  in  contrast  with  those  of 
another  admiral  with  less  responsibility,  who  could 
not  get  along  without  a  force  of  clerks.  There  was 
a  saying  that  his  principal  place  for  filing  papers 
was  his  own  coat-pocket.  His  was  the  supreme  gift 
of  directness  and  simplicity  in  great  affairs,  so  valu- 
able in  time  of  war.  Generally  he  wrote  his  orders 
himself,  perhaps  with  his  knee  or  the  ship's  rail  as  a 
rest.  I  recall  that  one  day  when  he  was  writing  he 
looked  up  and  said: 

"Now,  how  in  the  devil  do  you  spell  Appalachi- 
cola?  Some  of  these  educated  young  fellows  from 
Annapolis  must  know!" 

A  man  who  had  such  an  important  command 
could  hardly  have  been  more  democratic.  One  night 
I  had  given  orders  for  a  thorough  cleaning  of  the 
ship  the  next  morning.  I  was  awake  very  early, 
for  it  was  stiflingly  hot.  Five  o'clock  came  and  I 


PRIZE  COMMISSIONER  109 

heard  no  sound  of  the  holy-stones  on  the  deck.  So 
I  went  above  to  find  out  why  my  orders  were  not 
obeyed,  and  my  frame  of  mind  for  the  moment  was 
entirely  that  of  the  disciplinarian.  There  was  no 
activity  at  all  on  deck.  I  looked  around  for  the 
officer  of  the  deck.  He  was  an  old  New  England 
whaler,  brown  as  a  buccaneer,  who  had  enlisted  for 
the  war  from  the  merchant  service.  I  recollect  that 
he  wore  small  gold  rings  in  his  ears,  a  custom  with 
some  of  the  old-fashioned  merchant  sailors  who  had 
travelled  the  world  over.  I  found  him  seated  up  in 
the  hammock  netting  where  it  was  cool,  with  Far- 
ragut  at  his  side. 

"Why  aren't  you  cleaning  ship?"  I  asked. 

"I  think  I  am  to  blame,"  said  Farragut,  with 
his  pleasant  smile.  "We  two  veterans  have  been 
swapping  yarns  about  sailing-ship  days." 

The  old  whaler  did  not  see  how  he  could  leave 
Farragut  when  Farragut  wanted  to  talk,  and  in- 
wardly, perhaps,  he  did  not  fail  to  enjoy  his  posi- 
tion as  superior  to  the  young  executive  officer's  rep- 
rimands. 

As  a  rule,  no  captain  or  executive  officer  likes 
having  his  ship  the  flag-ship  of  a  commander-in-chief. 
But  Farragut  was  so  simple  in  his  manners  and  so 
free  from  the  exactions  due  to  official  rank,  that  he 
was  most  welcome,  crowded  as  our  quarters  were. 
Being  a  companionable  man,  he  liked  company,  even 
when  he  was  under  fire.  I  recall  a  certain  afternoon 


no  GEORGE  DEWEY 

when  he  announced  that  he  was  going  in  his  little 
steam  tender  to  have  a  look  at  the  Port  Hudson 
batteries.  First  he  asked  Captain  Thornton  A.  Jen- 
kins, his  chief  of  staff,  if  he  would  not  like  to  come 
along.  The  captain  begged  to  be  excused.  Then 
he  asked  Captain  Smith,  who  also  begged  to  be  ex- 
cused. Neither  saw  any  purpose  in  an  interruption 
of  his  duties  to  make  a  trip  in  the  heat  in  order  to 
be  shot  at.  But  Farragut  was  not  going  alone.  He 
clapped  me  on  the  shoulder  and  said:  "Come  along, 
youngster!'*  which  was  equivalent  to  a  command  to 
one  of  my  rank.  As  I  went  over  the  side  Captain 
Jenkins  said  to  me: 

"Did  you  ever  know  a  man  before  who  always 
had  a  bee  buzzing  in  his  ear?" 

We  went  up  into  the  range  of  the  batteries  and 
drew  their  fire.  But  as  we  steamed  rapidly  and  in 
a  zigzag  course  we  were  not  hit.  Meanwhile  Farra- 
gut seemed  to  be  having  the  best  kind  of  a  time. 
No  doubt,  he  got  the  information  that  he  wanted. 

It  was  while  serving  on  the  Monongahela  that 
I  had  the  closest  call  in  my  career.  We  were  steam- 
ing up  the  river,  escorting  a  small  gun-boat  with  am- 
munition for  Banks's  army.  As  I  have  previously 
mentioned,  all  that  a  field-battery  had  to  do  in  order 
to  have  a  little  practice  against  a  Union  man-of-war 
was  to  cut  embrasures  for  its  guns  in  the  levee 
and  let  drive.  The  levee  furnished  both  an  excel- 
lent screen  and  excellent  protection.  In  fact,  the 


PRIZE  COMMISSIONER  in 

gunners  used  these  embrasures  with  much  the  effect 
of  the  modern  disappearing  gun.  They  ran  the 
muzzle  through  the  opening  when  they  wanted  to 
•  fire  and  then  drew  it  back  out  of  sight  for  loading, 
with  neither  themselves  nor  the  gun  at  all  exposed, 
while  our  shots  would  either  be  buried  in  the  levee 
walls  or  whistle  harmlessly  overhead.  But  a  man- 
of-war  was  a  big  target,  and  a  single  shot  striking  in 
a  vital  part  might  do  great  damage. 

When  a  field-battery,  hidden  in  the  fashion  I 
have  described,  unexpectedly  opened  on  the  Monon- 
gahela  at  close  range  in  the  vicinity  of  Donelsonville, 
Captain  Jenkins,  Farragut's  chief  of  staff,  who  was 
aboard,  thought  that  the  only  thing  to  do  was  to 
get  out  of  range  at  full  speed.  This  did  seem  the 
part  of  wisdom.  Certainly  our  experience  proved 
that  it  was  for  poor  Read.  He  paid  the  penalty  for 
taking  a  contrary  view. 

"I  have  never  run  from  any  rebel  yet,"  Read  de- 
clared, "and  I'm  not  going  to  run  now." 

So  he  slowed  the  Monongahela  down  to  engage  the 
battery.  He  and  Captain  Jenkins  and  myself  were 
standing  near  each  other  on  the  quarter-deck  and 
we  had  fired  only  a  few  shots  when  there  was  a 
blinding  flash  in  my  eyes.  I  felt  the  stunning  effect 
of  the  concussion  of  an  exploding  shell — which  al- 
ways raises  the  question  of  whether  you  will  be  alive 
or  dead  the  next  second.  However,  I  realized  that 
I  was  unhurt,  and  as  the  air  cleared  and  I  was  once 


ii2  GEORGE  DEWEY 

more  standing  solidly  on  my  feet,  with  full  posses- 
sion of  my  faculties,  I  saw  Read  prostrate  on  the 
deck,  his  clothing  badly  torn  and  blood  pouring  from 
several  places.  Captain  Jenkins  was  also  down.  It 
was  clear  that  the  command  of  the  ship  had  devolved 
upon  me,  so  I  gave  the  order,  "Full  speed  ahead!" 
The  Monongahela,  being  very  fast  for  a  ship  of  her 
time,  was  soon  out  of  range  of  the  batteries. 

Captain  Read  had  been  mortally  wounded  and 
died  the  next  day,  while  Captain  Jenkins  had  been 
wounded  slightly,  but  in  a  curious  way.  The  shell 
had  exploded  at  a  point  in  the  ship's  side  where 
a  rack  of  cutlasses  was  located  and  had  hurled  frag- 
ments of  cutlass  in  all  directions.  Although  our  sta- 
tion on  the  quarter-deck  was  some  distance  from  the 
point  of  explosion,  a  cutlass  blade  (about  half  length) 
had  struck  Captain  Jenkins's  leg  with  such  force  as 
to  knock  him  down.  That  nothing  worse  than  a 
bruise  resulted  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  blade 
struck  fairly  with  its  flat  surface.  Had  the  edge 
been  turned,  serious  injury  would  have  been  inflicted. 

When  we  examined  the  spread  of  the  shell  by  the 
places  where  the  fragments  had  struck,  it  was  inex- 
plicable how  I  had  ever  escaped  without  a  scratch. 
It  almost  made  me  believe  in  luck.  For  that  matter, 
any  one  who  has  seen  much  fighting  becomes  a  sort 
of  fatalist.  Evidently  my  time  had  not  yet  come. 

With  the  taking  of  Vicksburg  in  July,  Port  Hud- 
son fell  in  consequence.  At  last  President  Lincoln 


PRIZE  COMMISSIONER  113 

had  his  wish.  The  Mississippi  "flowed  unvexed  to 
the  sea."  There  was  no  longer  the  need  of  any 
large  naval  force  on  the  river.  I  was  transferred 
to  the  Brooklyn,  Captain  Emmons,  which  had  been 
ordered  North  to  report  to  Rear-Admiral  Dahlgren, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  blockade  off  Charleston, 
South  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  IX 
ON  THE  JAMES  RIVER 

AFTER  eighteen  months  of  service  on  sea-going 
ships  navigating  a  river,  it  was  a  pleasure  to  be  back 
in  a  sea-going  ship's  natural  element;  and  I  thor- 
oughly enjoyed  our  cruise  across  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
with  our  sails  spread.  Captain  Emmons,  who  had 
his  nickname,  as  every  officer  of  the  navy  had,  was 
known  as  "Pop."  He  would  never  get  my  name 
right,  always  calling  me  "Mr.  Dewar."  We  stopped 
in  at  Port  Royal,  and  I  recall,  as  we  entered  the 
harbor,  that  I  was  standing  between  him  and  the 
pilot  when  we  sighted  a  vessel  coming  out. 

"Starboard  the  helm!"  said  the  pilot. 

"Port  the  helm!"  said  Captain  Emmons. 

"Steady!"  I  said. 

Captain  Emmons  turned  on  me. 

"What  do  you  mean,  Mr.  Dewar,  by  counter- 
manding my  orders?"  he  demanded. 

"Well,  sir,  the  pilot  said  starboard  and  you  said 
port,  so  I  wanted  to  avoid  having  the  helmsman  try 
to  do  both  at  once,"  I  responded. 

"Steady,  then!"  returned  the  captain.     It  trans- 
pired that  this  compromise  in  authority  saved  us 
from  any  danger  of  collision. 
114 


ON  THE  JAMES   RIVER  115 

The  prospect  of  taking  part  in  Dahlgren's  opera- 
tions against  Charleston  was  not  altogether  inviting 
to  the  officers  of  the  Brooklyn.  Farragut  had  fought 
his  campaign  on  the  lower  Mississippi  with  wooden 
ships  of  the  ante-bellum  type  and  small  gun-boats. 
There  were  some  iron-clads  on  the  upper  Mississippi, 
but  those  built  for  use  in  harbors  where  they  must 
stand  some  seaway  were  all  on  the  Atlantic  coast. 
It  was  out  of  the  question  to  add  armor  to  the  wooden 
ships,  as  they  had  not  the  buoyancy  to  carry  it.  At 
Charleston  the  Confederates  had  their  most  power- 
ful batteries.  If  the  Brooklyn  engaged  them  it  would 
be  pitting  wooden  sides  and  smooth-bore  guns  against 
the  latest  type  of  rifled  gun.  In  fact,  ours  would 
be  the  only  fighting-ship  in  Dahlgren's  command 
that  was  not  armored. 

Upon  our  arrival  at  Charleston,  while  Captain 
Emmons  went  on  board  Dahlgren's  flag-ship  to  re- 
port, we  had  time  to  look  over  his  vessels  and  to 
realize  how  suicidal  it  would  be  for  us  to  join  in  any 
attack  on  the  defences  of  the  harbor.  We  had  an 
example  in  the  monitors,  which  we  saw  for  the  first 
time,  of  how  rapidly  both  the  offensive  and  the  de- 
fensive features  of  men-of-war  had  improved  under 
the  impulse  of  war  conditions.  Besides  the  division 
of  monitors  with  their  revolving  turrets — modelled 
on  that  first  experiment  which  had  driven  the  Con- 
federate Merrimac  (Virginia)  to  cover — there  was 
also  the  New  Ironsides,  that  followed  conventional 


u6  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ship  construction  and  had  armored  sides.  The  com- 
bination of  the  two  principles,  an  armored  ship  with 
revolving  turrets,  forms  the  principle  of  the  battle- 
ship of  to-day. 

Having  been  executive  officer  of  one  ship  that 
had  been  lost,  I  did  not  care  to  repeat  the  experi- 
ence. We  were  all  pleased  when  Captain  Emmons 
came  off  to  report  that  it  was  not  the  Brooklyn  that 
Dahlgren  wanted,  but  Captain  Emmons  to  serve  on 
his  staff.  So  the  Brooklyn  proceeded  to  the  New 
York  Navy- Yard  to  be  overhauled  before  returning 
to  Farragut's  command  in  the  Gulf,  where  she  was 
to  participate  in  the  battle  of  Mobile  Bay.  Mean- 
while, I  had  my  first  holiday  from  duty  since  the 
war  had  begun,  which  I  spent  at  my  home  in  Ver- 
mont. 

Captain  James  Alden  succeeded  Captain  Em- 
mons in  command  of  the  Brooklyn  and  he  wanted 
me  to  go  with  him  as  executive  officer;  so  did  Far- 
ragut.  But  strong  objections  on  account  of  my 
youth  were  made  to  the  Navy  Department  on  be- 
half of  officers  who  were  my  seniors  and  held  less 
important  assignments.  As  I  was  now  nearer  the 
influence  of  Washington  than  when  I  was  directly 
under  Farragut  and  his  great  personal  prestige,  the 
objections  prevailed,  and  in  one  sense  fortunately 
for  me.  It  will  be  recalled  that  it  was  the  Brook- 
lyn that  led  the  wooden  ships  in  past  the  forts  at 
Mobile,  following  the  monitors.  When  the  monitor 


ON  THE  JAMES   RIVER  117 

Tecumseh  was  sunk  by  a  torpedo  and  Captain  Alden 
saw  torpedoes  ahead  of  the  Brooklyn,  he  stopped  his 
ship,  throwing  the  column  out  of  formation.  Farra- 
gut,  with  his  famous  call  of  "Damn  the  torpedoes! 
Go  ahead!"  signalled  to  proceed  and  steamed  past 
the  Brooklyn  in  the  Hartford,  taking  the  lead  away 
from  her. 

My  next  ship  was  hardly  of  the  importance  of 
the  Mississippi,  the  Monongahela,  or  the  Brooklyn. 
I  was  to  put  the  Agawam,  a  third-rate,  wooden,  side- 
wheel  steamer,  into  commission  at  Portsmouth.  My 
friends  explained  to  me  that  I  had  been  given  this 
task  in  organization  and  discipline  because  I  had 
made  a  reputation  as  an  executive  officer  equal  to 
any  emergency.  However  that  may  be,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  both  the  crew  of  the  Agawam  and 
the  nature  of  the  vessel  and  of  the  service  expected 
of  her  gave  me  quite  enough  to  do  from  the  moment 
that  I  reported  on  board  her,  in  November,  1863, 
until  I  was  detached  from  her,  a  year  later. 

She  was  built  particularly  for  river  service  and 
being  a  double-ender,  with  two  rudders  of  the  ferry- 
boat type,  she  was  as  difficult  in  handling  as  in  keep- 
ing ship-shape.  During  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1864  I  saw  some  pretty  active  and  trying  service  on 
the  James  River,  where  we  were  operating  in  sup- 
port of  General  Butler's  abortive  expedition  toward 
Richmond,  while  Grant  was  fighting  the  Wilderness 
campaign. 


ii8  GEORGE  DEWEY 

For  about  a  month  the  Agawam  was  the  flag- 
ship of  Rear-Admiral  S.  P.  Lee,  commanding  the 
North  Atlantic  Squadron.  Lee  was  another  one  of 
the  captains  who,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War, 
was  still  in  the  prime  of  his  powers.  He  was  off  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  command  of  a  ship  bound 
for  China  when  he  heard  that  Sumter  had  been 
fired  on.  Without  waiting  on  an  order  from  Wash- 
ington, he  started  home  on  his  own  responsibility,  in 
the  conviction  that  the  services  of  his  ship  would  be 
needed.  He  was  a  man  of  prodigious  and  conscien- 
tious industry. 

Commander  A.  C.  Rhind,  in  command  of  the 
Agawam,  had  earned  a  reputation  for  fearlessness  in 
the  war  and  fearlessness  in  controversy  before  the 
war.  While  in  the  Pacific  Squadron  years  before, 
as  I  recall,  he  had  been  suspended  by  Boutwell,  the 
commander  of  his  ship.  Afterward,  when  his  case 
was  on  trial  in  Washington,  he  posted  a  notice  out- 
side the  Navy  Department  to  this  effect:  "  Bout- 
well  is  a  liar  and  a  scoundrel."  Though  the  Retir- 
ing Board  dropped  him  from  the  navy,  he  was  able 
to  have  himself  reinstated,  and  to  prove  that,  how- 
ever eccentric  he  might  be  in  time  of  peace,  he  could 
be  of  great  service  in  battle. 

The  Agawams  most  important  action  occupied 
her  off  and  on  for  six  days  in  pounding  the  Confed- 
erate batteries  at  Four  Mile  Creek  to  aid  General 
Butler's  attack.  On  the  firs^  day  we  engaged  one 


ON  THE  JAMES  RIVER  119 

battery  of  rifled  guns  which  we  could  locate  and  two 
batteries  of  mortars  and  heavy  guns  which  we  could 
not  locate;  and  we  kept  up  a  continuous  fire  for 
four  hours,  until  our  ammunition  was  exhausted. 
But  we  had  pretty  well  silenced  the  enemy  before 
we  drew  off,  and  on  succeeding  days  we  did  not  have 
to  endure  so  heavy  a  fire.  The  Agawam  was  little 
damaged,  though  hit  a  number  of  times,  and  our 
only  loss  was  from  an  exploding  shell  on  the  quarter- 
deck which  killed  two  men  and  wounded  six. 

In  one  sense  the  fighting  was  the  easiest  part  of 
the  work.  The  hard  part  was  the  life  aboard  the 
stuffy  double-ender  in  the  midst  of  heat  and  mos- 
quitoes, striving  all  the  while  to  develop  a  kind  of 
efficiency  suited  to  the  tasks  for  which  such  a  clumsy 
craft  was  adapted. 

But  if  the  Agawam  were  not  much  to  look  at, 
Commander  Rhind  surely  fought  her  as  if  she  were 
a  battle-ship.  She  exemplified  the  spirit  which  our 
naval  force  had  developed  by  the  summer  of  1864. 
We  were  hardened  and  ready  for  any  kind  of  ser- 
vice; and  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  through  the 
test  of  the  initiative  required  and  the  hardships  suf- 
fered, had  brought  to  the  front  a  type  of  man  who 
sought  responsibilities  instead  of  waiting  for  them 
to  find  him  out. 

When  Rear-Admiral  David  D.  Porter  succeeded 
Rear-Admiral  Lee  in  command  of  the  North  Atlantic 
Squadron  in  September,  1864,  he  sent  for  me  to  be- 


120  GEORGE  DEWEY 

come  executive  officer  of  the  Minnesota,  one  of  the 
big  steam-frigates  of  the  same  class  as  the  Wabash 
in  which  I  had  made  my  midshipman  cruise  on  the 
Mediterranean.  But  I  was  on  board  the  Minnesota 
less  than  one  day.  Her  captain  voiced  the  old  com- 
plaint about  my  youth,  and  Porter  not  being  of  the 
mind  to  assign  him  an  executive  whom  he  did  not 
want,  I  returned  to  the  Agawam. 

But  Porter  had  kept  me  in  mind,  and  later  he 
wrote  to  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Fox  asking 
him  to  assign  me  to  be  executive  officer  of  the  Col- 
orado, of  the  same  class  as  the  Wabash.  From  the 
outset  of  the  war,  Fox  had  had  great  confidence  in 
Porter's  judgment;  and  so,  in  spite  of  my  youth — 
twenty-seven — I  was  to  have  a  position  which  is 
equivalent  in  these  days  to  being  executive  of  a 
first-class  battle-ship.  Instead  of  vegetating  on  the 
Agawam  on  river  blockade  duty,  I  was  to  be  in  both 
actions  against  Fort  Fisher,  for  which  Porter  was 
now  making  his  preparations. 

Porter,  though  only  a  lieutenant  in  '61,  was  most 
influential  by  right  of  his  very  active  mind  and 
energetic  personality.  He  had  been  partly  respon- 
sible for  having  the  then  unknown  Farragut  given 
command  of  the  Gulf  Squadron,  which  Porter  him- 
self could  not  have  taken  because  of  insufficiency  of 
rank.  It  was  thought,  however,  that  Porter,  on  ac- 
count of  his  command  of  the  mortar  flotilla,  which 
was  a  new  and  spectacular  addition  to  our  forces, 


ON  THE  JAMES  RIVER  121 

would  receive  most  of  the  distinction  for  the  battle 
of  New  Orleans.  Farragut  running  past  the  forts 
in  the  darkness  with  his  wooden  ships  became  the 
hero  of  the  operation;  though  it  might  be  said  that 
the  glory  was  kept  in  the  family,  as  Porter  and  Far- 
ragut were  foster-brothers.  It  was  intended  that 
Farragut  should  take  command  at  Fort  Fisher,  but 
his  health,  after  the  wearing  campaign  in  Southern 
waters  which  had  culminated  at  Mobile,  would  not 
permit.  He  gladly  relinquished  the  honor  in  favor 
of  Porter,  thus,  in  a  way,  reciprocating  the  favor 
that  Porter  had  done  him  three  years  previously. 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER 

WE  were  now  coming  to  the  final  act  of  the  ter- 
rific drama  of  civil  conflict.  With  the  length  of  the 
Mississippi  in  our  possession,  with  every  port  on  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  flying  the  national  flag,  our  forces 
were  closing  in  on  the  last  remnants  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, which  had  only  two  ports  remaining  that 
would  admit  of  the  approach  of  a  vessel  of  over 
twelve  feet  draught,  Charleston  in  South  Carolina 
and  Wilmington  in  North  Carolina. 

Charleston  was  not  so  difficult  to  blockade  as 
Wilmington.  While  we  had  some  twenty  vessels  on 
the  blockade  off  Charleston,  more  than  thirty  had 
usually  been  watching  off  the  two  entrances  to  Wil- 
mington. Even  then  the  runners  would  frequently 
slip  by  under  cover  of  fog  or  when  a  gale  was  blow- 
ing. The  Confederates  fully  realized  the  strategic 
importance  of  the  position,  and  commanding  New 
Inlet,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cape  Fear  River,  was  Fort 
Fisher,  which  they  had  sought  to  make  impregnable 
with  all  the  resources  at  their  command.  Once  both 
Charleston  and  Wilmington  were  effectually  closed, 
then,  with  Sherman's  army  swinging  in  northward 
and  Grant's  approaching  Richmond,  the  enemy  was 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER      123 

literally  sealed  up  and  must  face  the  spring  of  1865 
without  hope  of  supplies. 

The  plan  was  to  silence  Fort  Fisher  by  the  fire 
of  the  fleet  and  then  to  take  it  by  assault  with  troops 
which  were  brought  by  sea  under  General  Butler. 
For  the  purpose  Porter  had  the  largest  naval  force 
yet  assembled.  Including  every  available  fighting- 
ship,  it  was  even  more  heterogeneous  than  that  of 
Farragut  at  New  Orleans.  Big  frigates  of  the  Col- 
orado type,  iron-clads  and  monitors,  double-enders, 
gun-boats,  and  merchant-vessels  transformed  into 
ships-of-war,  and  every  one,  according  to  the  Ameri- 
can custom,  bristling  with  all  the  armament  that  it 
could  possibly  Carry.  The  Colorado,  which  had  an 
armament  of  forty  smooth-bore  guns  before  the  war, 
now  had  one  rifled  i5O-pounder,  one  n-inch  shell 
gun,  and  forty-six  9-inch  shell  guns. 

Commodore  H.  -K.  Thatcher,  in  command  of  the 
Colorado,  welcomed  me  on  board  heartily,  notwith- 
standing my-  youth.  He  said  that  the  ship  was  in 
a  bad  state  and  gave  me  full  authority  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  crew  of  seven  hundred  men.  My 
predecessor  as  executive  officer  had  had  a  pretty 
wearing  and  unhappy  time  of  it  and  was  retired 
shortly  after  leaving  the  ship.  There  had  been  as 
many  as  a  hundred  men  in  irons  chained  between 
the  guns  along  the  gun-deck  at  one  time.  As  officers 
passed  along,  the  men  would  call  out:  "Look  at  the 
brass  bound  ,"  "brass  bound"  referring  to 


i24  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  officer's  gold  braid.  My  predecessor  was  what 
is  known  as  a  rather  erratic  martinet.  He  was  harsh, 
yet  he  did  not  secure  discipline.  I  was  told  that  one 
of  his  favorite  questions  to  a  culprit  had  been:  "How 
would  you  like  to  walk  through  hell  barefoot?"  One 
seaman  was  reported  to  have  answered:  "A  dozen 
times  to  get  out  of  this!" 

Most  of  the  junior  officers,  as  they  had  been  on 
the  other  ships  on  which  I  had  served,  were  volun- 
teers. Some  were  highly  efficient,  others,  who  had 
secured  their  commissions  through  political  influence, 
were  inferior  in  every  way  to  many  of  the  men  over 
whom  they  were  supposed  to  exercise  command.  A 
portion  of  the  crew  which  had  been  recently  shipped 
was  a  motley  collection  of  flotsam  of  various  nation- 
alities. We  were  in  the  period  of  recruiting  by  draft 
and  of  "bounty  jumper"  substitutes.  While  too 
much  cannot  be  said  in  praise  of  the  heroism  and 
devotion  of  the  men  who  enlisted  for  the  war  out 
of  patriotic  motives,  there  is  little  danger  of  exag- 
gerating the  toughness  and  worthlessness  of  many 
who  came  in  at  the  close  of  the  conflict  and,  in  a 
later  time,  helped  to  swell  the  pension  fund.  One 
glance  by  a  recruiting  officer  of  to-day  would  have 
been  enough  to  have  rejected  at  least  one-third  of 
the  crew  of  the  Colorado,  just  on  their  looks. 

In  passing,  I  think  that  I  may  say  that  our  low- 
est types  of  men  to-day  are  not  so  depraved,  igno- 
rant, and  generally  intractable  as  the  corresponding 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER     125 

type  of  the  sixties.  After  all,  the  world  does  grow 
better. 

I  did  not  mean  on  a  ship  where  I  was  responsible 
for  discipline  to  have  a  hundred  men  in  chains  on  the 
gun-deck  or  to  have  them  calling  out  abusive  epi- 
thets to  their  superiors.  If  the  state  of  insubordina- 
tion on  board  had  been  responsible  for  Porter's  desire 
to  have  me  become  executive  of  the  Colorado,  then 
I  felt  myself  bound  to  live  up  to  his  expectations. 
It  had  been  my  experience  that  only  a  minority  of 
any  crew  were  trouble-makers.  A  larger  proportion 
was  all  on  the  side  of  discipline  and  decency.  But 
one  professional  tough  is  capable  of  corrupting  at 
least  two  other  men  who  are  easily  led.  It  was  a 
case  of  my  being  master,  or  the  rough  element  being 
master. 

When  I  called  all  hands  my  first  morning  on 
board,  not  all  responded.  It  was  explained  that  on 
account  of  the  cold  weather  a  number  of  the  men 
would  not  get  up.  Certain  of  the  junior  officers 
seemed  afraid  of  some  members  of  their  own  crew. 
I  went  among  the  hammocks,  and  whenever  I  found 
one  occupied  I  tipped  the  man  out  of  it;  and  I 
aimed  to  do  this  in  a  way  that  left  no  doubt  of  the 
business-like  intentions  of  the  new  regime.  The  men 
saw  that  I  meant  to  be  obeyed,  and  afterward  when 
I  called  all  hands  all  appeared  on  deck. 

Gradually  I  was  able  to  identify  the  worst  char- 
acters. They  were  the  ones  I  had  to  tame,  and  then 


126  GEORGE  DEWEY 

those  who  were  insubordinate  out  of  a  spirit  of  emu- 
lation would  easily  fall  into  line.  The  ringleader 
was  a  giant,  red-headed  Englishman  by  the  name 
of  Webster.  Many  of  his  mates  were  in  bodily  fear 
of  this  great  brute.  The  prison  being  full,  I  had 
him  put  down  in  the  hold  in  irons. 

One  day  I  heard  a  breaking  of  glass  and  the  or- 
derly reported  to  me  that  Webster  had  broken  free 
of  his  irons,  had  driven  the  sentry  out  of  the  hold, 
and  in  a  blind  rage  was  breaking  up  stone  bottles 
of  soda  and  ale  which  were  stored  there.  I  sent  the 
master  at  arms  to  arrest  him,  and  the  master  at  arms 
came  back  to  report  that  Webster  had  sworn  that 
he  would  kill  the  first  man  who  tried  to  come  down 
the  ladder  into  the  hold. 

Such  a  situation  was  not  to  be  endured.  I  took 
my  revolver  and  started  for  the  hold.  When  I  came 
to  the  ladder  Webster  yelled  up  the  threat  which  had 
made  the  others  hesitate  in  view  of  his  known  feroc- 
ity. Of  course,  any  one  going  down  the  ladder  would 
expose  his  whole  body  to  an  attack  before  his  head 
was  below  the  deck  level  and  he  could  see  his  ad- 
versary. But  any  temporizing  with  the  fellow  meant 
a  bad  effect  on  the  whole  ship's  company. 

"Webster,  this  is  the  executive  officer,  Mr. 
Dewey,"  I  called  to  him.  "  I  am  coming  down  and, 
Webster,  you  may  be  sure  of  this,  if  you  raise  a 
finger  against  me  I  shall  kill  you." 

I  stepped  down  the  ladder  quickly,  to  see  Web- 


THE   BATTLE  OF   FORT  FISHER      127 

ster  standing  with  a  stone  ale  bottle  in  his  hand 
ready  to  throw.  But  he  did  not  throw  it  and  sub- 
mitted to  arrest  peaceably. 

This  incident  and  a  few  others,  while  the  junior 
officers  were  developing  a  new  spirit  under  Commo- 
dore Thatcher's  wise  support  and  firm  direction, 
soon  brought  a  change  over  the  ship.  The  ruffians 
were  cowed  and  we  were  free  of  the  obnoxious  spec- 
tacle of  men  in  irons  on  the  gun-deck  and  of  abuse 
in  answer  to  an  officer's  commands. 

The  Confederates  had  counted  much  on  the 
weather  to  delay  any  bombardment  on  Fort  Fisher. 
December  and  January  are  the  season  of  the  heavi- 
est blows  off  the  coast.  While  preparing  for  the 
attack  the  ships  must  lie  exposed  to  the  seas  sweep- 
ing in  from  the  open  ocean.  A  gale  rose  just  as  the 
fleet  was  mobilizing.  It  dragged  many  anchors  and 
pretty  well  dispersed  the  vessels,  increasing  the  dis- 
comforts of  the  soldiers  aboard  the  transports  by 
sea-sickness. 

An  act  of  gallantry  of  the  same  order  as  that  of 
Lieutenants  Crosby  and  Caldwell  in  cutting  through 
the  obstructions  above  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip 
was  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  actual  bombardment 
and  assault.  An  old  vessel,  the  Louisiana,  was 
filled  with  powder  and  disguised  as  a  blockade-runner, 
with  a  view  to  running  her  in  close  to  Fort  Fisher 
in  the  night  and  deserting  her  after  laying  time  fuses 
to  the  powder.  It  was  thought  that  the  force  of 


128  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  explosion  of  such  an  enormous  amount  of  powder 
would  damage  the  fort  and  dismount  the  guns. 
Commander  Rhind,  my  old  captain  of  the  Agawam, 
was  in  charge  of  the  undertaking.  He  carried  it  out 
without  being  discovered  by  the  enemy. 

I  recall  how  we  who  were  on  board  the  fleet  at 
anchor  some  twenty-five  miles  from  the  fort  waited 
through  the  night  of  December  23d  for  the  explosion. 
Shortly  before  two  o'clock  on  the  next  morning  we 
saw  something  like  distant  lightning  on  the  horizon. 
After  a  time  came  a  dull,  thundering  sound,  and  a 
couple  of  hours  later  a  dense  cloud  of  smoke  swept 
over  us,  such  as  might  have  come  from  a  volcanic 
eruption. 

The  effect  of  the  enormous  charge,  which  was 
necessarily  at  some  distance  from  the  fort,  was  neg- 
ligible for  our  purposes.  This  experiment  was  mag- 
nificent and  spectacular  but  not  helpful,  as  both 
Porter  and  Butler  were  soon  to  learn.  Many  were 
of  the  opinion  that  it  might  have  been  effective  if 
the  Louisiana  had  been  grounded  instead  of  having 
been  blown  up  while  floating  free  of  the  bottom. 
As  it  was,  the  shock  was  lost  in  the  water  and  the 
gunners  in  the  fort  were  so  little  disturbed  that  they 
thought  the  sound  was  that  of  the  boiler  of  some 
blockade-runner  that  had  blown  up. 

At  daylight  our  ill-assorted  fleet  stood  in  for  New 
Inlet,  which  the  forts  commanded.  We  were  at- 
tempting something  in  the  way  of  formation  which 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER      129 

this  fleet  had  never  tried,  but  which  would  have 
been  child's  play  to  a  fleet  of  the  present  time.  An 
officer  who  may  have  been  with  our  squadron  enter- 
ing Manila  Bay,  with  the  ships  keeping  their  inter- 
vals precisely,  or  who  is  used  to  the  manoeuvres  of 
the  North  Atlantic  fleet  at  the  time  of  writing,  can 
hardly  realize  the  difficulties  of  securing  anything 
like  precision  with  the  utterly  inharmonious  elements 
that  Porter  had  under  his  command. 

As  we  approached  the  Inlet  it  looked  for  a  while 
as  if  our  long  column  would  be  tied  in  a  knot.  How- 
ever, it  straightened  out  with  surprising  regularity, 
thanks  to  the  experienced  officers,  each  of  whom 
knew  how  to  handle  the  peculiarities  of  his  own  ship. 
Vessel  after  vessel  in  order,  if  not  keeping  its  proper 
distance,  came  into  the  position  assigned  it,  without 
any  break  in  Porter's  plan. 

Shortly  before  I  p.  M.,  the  New  Ironsides,  which 
was  at  the  head  of  the  first  division,  opened  fire; 
and  at  1.30  the  Colorado,  second  in  the  column  of 
the  heavy  ships,  or  the  second  division,  was  engaged. 
Each  vessel  dropped  anchor  from  bow  and  stern. 
Each  one  practically  became  a  floating  battery  pour- 
ing shells  into  the  fort.  For  over  three  hours  the 
cannonade  continued,  that  of  the  fort  gradually 
weakening.  When  the  flag-ship  signalled  at  5.30, 
"Prepare  to  retire  for  the  night,"  it  seemed  to  us 
that  we  had  pretty  effectually  silenced  Fisher.  The 
Colorado  had  been  struck  a  number  of  times,  but  not 


130  GEORGE  DEWEY 

seriously.  All  the  casualties  in  the  fleet  that  day, 
with  the  exception  of  a  boiler  explosion  on  the  Mack- 
inaw, were  due  to  the  bursting  of  the  loo-pounder 
Parrot  rifled  guns.  These  proved  to  be  about  as 
dangerous  to  us  as  to  the  enemy  and  were  not  used 
again. 

Meanwhile,  the  transports  had  been  delayed  in 
getting  up.  But  that  night  all  arrived  and  the  land 
attack  was  planned  for  the  following  day.  Having 
found  that  the  depth  of  water  permitted,  the  Colo- 
rado,  Minnesota,  and  Wabash,  heavy-draught  ships, 
were  the  next  morning  able  to  approach  closer  to 
the  fort.  We  fired  at  slow  intervals,  as  if  we  were 
at  target  practice,  and  we  could  see  shell  after  shell 
taking  effect.  It  seemed  as  if  our  fire  must  reduce 
these  earthworks  to  so  many  sand  dunes.  With 
such  a  long  line  of  ships  firing  and  at  such  a  long 
face  of  works;  with  the  air  in  a  continual  thunder 
and  screech,  there  was  no  time  to  observe  anything 
except  the  work  of  your  own  ship  and  the  signals 
from  the  flag-ship. 

At  times  the  Colorado  would  be  the  target  for  a 
number  of  guns,  and  again  we  would  seem  to  have 
silenced  the  batteries  facing  us.  But  there  was 
never  a  moment  when  our  men  were  not  doing  their 
work  steadily  and  without  a  thought  on  the  part  of 
any  one  but  that  we  had  the  fire  of  the  forts  well 
under  control.  We  had  one  rifled  gun  disabled,  and 
were  receiving  only  desultory  attention  from  the 


THE   BATTLE  OF   FORT   FISHER      131 

enemy  when,  under  signal  from  the  flag-ship,  the 
other  ships  began  drawing  off. 

The  Minnesota  and  the  Colorado  remained  an- 
chored before  the  forts  while  the  rest  of  the  fleet 
was  passing  out  of  range.  Suddenly  the  batteries 
concentrated  on  us.  Our  capstan  was  shot  away; 
a  lo-inch  solid  shot  penetrated  the  starboard  side, 
carrying  away  the  lock  and  screw  of  No.  4  gun,  kill- 
ing one  man  and  wounding  five  men,  and  carrying 
away  the  axle  and  starboard  truck  of  No.  5  gun  on 
the  port  side. 

It  was  a  time  for  quick  thinking  on  the  bridge. 
We  had  been  told  to  discontinue  action,  but  not  to 
withdraw;  and  it  was  out  of  the  question  to  endure 
that  grilling  fire  in  which  we  were  being  repeatedly 
hit.  For  an  instant  the  alternative  of  slipping  an- 
chors and  steaming  away  was  considered  by  Com- 
modore Thatcher,  but  that  meant  retreat  without 
orders  and  possibly  having  our  decision  misconstrued, 
while  we  should  be  heavily  pounded  in  the  very  act 
of  retiring.  We  had  silenced  those  guns  that  were 
barking  at  us  once  and  we  could  do  it  again,  the 
commodore  concluded.  As  senior  officer  present  he 
signalled  the  Minnesota  to  fire  for  her  own  protec- 
tion, and  repeated  to  the  flag-ship  the  reason  why 
we  were  opening  fire  contrary  to  orders.  I  ran  along 
the  gun-deck,  where  I  found  the  men  chafing  in  their 
inaction  or  astounded  and  apprehensive  over  the 
damage  that  was  being  wrought,  and  I  kept  calling: 


132  GEORGE   DEWEY 

"Fire!  Fire  as  fast  as  you  can!  That  is  the 
way  to  stop  their  fire!" 

Our  gun  crews  obeyed  with  the  avidity  of  des- 
peration. Occupation  with  their  work  gave  them 
no  time  to  consider  the  effect  of  the  enemy's  shells, 
to  which  our  guns  blazed  in  answer  with  telling  ac- 
curacy. The  batteries  found  out  that  we  were  any- 
thing but  disabled,  and  they  were  silent  when  the 
signal  from  the  flag-ship  came,  this  time  not  to  dis- 
continue but  to  retire  from  action.  These  few  min- 
utes of  splendid  and  effective  gunnery  developed  a 
fine  spirit  in  the  whole  ship.  We  steamed  out  of 
range  with  the  satisfaction  of  the  victor  amid  the 
cheers  of  the  fleet. 

All  day  we  had  been  watching  in  vain  for  signs 
of  the  approach  of  the  army's  assaulting  force  over 
the  sand  dunes.  When  we  received  orders  that  night 
to  proceed  to  our  base  at  Beaufort  we  knew  that 
Fort  Fisher  was  not  to  be  ours  this  time.  Butler 
had  decided  that  the  fire  of  the  fleet  had  not  done 
the  fort  enough  damage  to  make  the  assault  prac- 
ticable; and  after  all  the  powder  we  had  burned  he 
returned  with  his  troops  on  board  his  transports. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  go  into  the  details  of  an  old 
controversy;  but  the  fact  remains  that  three  weeks 
later  another  assault  did  succeed  after  the  defences 
of  Fort  Fisher  had  been  considerably  strengthened. 
The  upshot  was  not  an  altogether  felicitous  ending 
of  Butler's  military  career,  and  its  lesson  would  seem 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER      133 

to  be  that  the  thing  to  do  when  your  country  ex- 
pects you  to  attack  is  to  attack. 

While  Porter  was  continuing  the  blockade  he 
sent  any  vessels  not  needed  for  this  purpose  to  Beau- 
fort for  ammunition,  and  asked  for  further  instruc- 
tions. Their  character  at  that  stage  of  the  war  was 
inevitable.  Gentle  and  patient  as  President  Lincoln 
was,  he  had  indomitable  firmness  on  occasion.  Only 
four  days  after  Butler  had  withdrawn  with  his  trans- 
ports, Porter  had  a  message  from  the  secretary  of 
the  navy  that  Lieutenant-General  Grant  would  send 
immediately  "a  competent  force,  properly  com- 
manded," to  undertake  the  assault  in  which  Butler 
had  failed. 

"Properly  commanded"  meant  the  choice  of 
Major-General  A.  H.  Terry.  While  we  mobilized 
at  Beaufort  and  waited  for  his  coming  we  labored 
in  heavy  weather  getting  coal  and  ammunition  on 
board  and  a  second  time  going  through  the  details 
of  making  ready  for  bombardment.  We  were  prac- 
tically at  anchor  in  the  open  sea,  with  the  breakers 
rolling  in  from  thousands  of  miles.  Some  of  the 
heavy  transports  rode  out  a  gale  in  the  company  of 
the  men-of-war.  But  no  accident  occurred  and  no 
appreciable  delay  in  the  preparations. 

The  fact  that  the  Confederates  had  boasted  of  a 
victory  after  Butler's  withdrawal — though  they  had 
not  sunk  a  single  vessel  and  had  inflicted  but  few 
casualties  and  little  damage,  while  our  troops  had 


134  GEORGE  DEWEY 

not  attempted  an  assault — aroused  in  both  our  army 
and  navy  the  determination  to  wipe  out  such  an 
impression  promptly.  On  the  I2th  of  January  we 
sailed  from  our  base  at  Beaufort,  forty-eight  men- 
of-war  in  all,  escorting  the  numerous  army  trans- 
ports. That  night  we  anchored  within  twelve  miles 
of  the  fort.  The  next  day  we  proceeded  to  take  up 
our  old  positions.  As  the  smaller  ships  were  ahead, 
they  received  a  vigorous  fire  until  the  heavier  ships 
came  up,  when  their  powerful  armament  soon  drove 
the  Confederate  gunners  into  their  bomb-proofs. 
Meanwhile  Terry's  troops  had  been  put  ashore. 
This  time  there  was  no  question  of  discretion  on  the 
part  of  the  army  commander.  Fort  Fisher  was  to 
be  taken  at  any  cost. 

As  darkness  fell,  the  fleet  was  pouring  out  am- 
munition without  stint.  A  breeze  rising  lifted  the 
pall  of  smoke,  revealing  the  fort  clearly,  lighted  by 
the  flashes  of  our  shells.  At  9  A.  M.  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  1 4th,  the  signal  came  from  the  flag-ship, 
which  meant  that  all  was  ready  to  carry  out  the 
plan  that  had  been  arranged  between  Porter  and 
Terry.  While  the  troops  assaulted  on  the  land  side, 
a  force  of  sixteen  hundred  sailors  and  marines  were 
to  assault  the  sea  face  of  the  fort.  Every  ship  sent 
its  quota.  As  executive  officer,  I  should  have  been 
in  command  of  the  Colorado's  force,  but,  despite  my 
plea,  Commodore  Thatcher  would  not  let  me  go. 
Being  the  senior  officer  present  after  Porter,  if  any- 


•§2 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER      135 

thing  should  happen  to  Porter  the  command  of  the 
fleet  would  fall  to  him  and,  in  consequence,  the  com- 
mand of  the  ship  to  me.  In  view  of  such  an  event- 
uality I  was  ordered  to  remain  on  board,  much  to 
my  disgust. 

The  Colorado's  part  during  the  day  was  the  same 
as  that  at  the  previous  bombardment.  We  joined 
the  other  ships  in  pounding  the  batteries  as  hard  as 
we  could  with  all  our  guns.  How  terrific  that  bom- 
bardment was  may  be  realized  when  I  say  that  in 
the  two  days  Porter's  fleet  discharged  against  Fort 
Fisher  over  eighteen  thousand  shells. 

This  time  we  did  not  have  to  watch  in  vain  for 
signs  of  the  assaulting  force.  We  could  see  very 
clearly  the  naval  detachment  which  had  landed 
under  the  face  of  the  fort.  The  seamen  were  to 
make  the  assault,  while  the  marines  covered  their 
advance  by  musketry  from  the  trenches  which  they 
had  thrown  up.  For  weapons  the  seamen  had  only 
cutlasses  and  revolvers,  which  evidently  were  chosen 
with  the  idea  that  storming  the  face  of  the  strong- 
est work  in  the  Civil  War  was  the  same  sort  of  opera- 
tion as  boarding  a  frigate  in  1812.  Such  an  attempt 
was  sheer,  murderous  madness.  But  the  seamen 
had  been  told  to  go  and  they  went. 

In  face  of  a  furious  musketry  fire  which  they  had 
no  way  of  answering  they  rushed  to  within  fifty 
yards  of  the  parapet.  Three  times  they  closed  up 
their  shattered  ranks  and  attempted  another  charge, 


136  GEORGE  DEWEY 

but  could  gain  little  more  ground.  How  Flag- 
Captain  Breeze,  who  was  in  command,  leading  his 
men  and  waving  his  sword,  escaped  death,  is  one  of 
those  marvels  that  almost  make  one  accept  the 
superstition  that  some  men  do  lead  a  charmed  life. 

Our  losses  in  the  assault  in  officers  alone  were  four 
killed  and  fourteen  wounded,  which  is  proof  enough 
of  how  unhesitatingly  they  exposed  themselves,  fol- 
lowing Breeze's  example.  The  falling  figures  of  the 
killed  and  wounded  and  the  desperate  rallies  of  the 
living  were  as  clear  as  stage  pantomime  to  their 
shipmates  on  board  the  fleet,  who  witnessed  a  piece 
of  splendid  folly  of  the  same  order  as  the  charge  of 
the  Light  Brigade,  in  which,  however,  it  was  not  a 
case  of  one  wild  ride  but  of  repeated  attempts  at 
the  impossible.  We  may  be  proud  of  the  heroism, 
if  not  of  the  wisdom,  of  the  naval  landing  force's  as- 
sault on  Fort  Fisher,  which,  no  doubt,  did  serve  some 
purpose  in  holding  the  enemy's  attention  while  the 
army  pressed  in  from  the  rear. 

We  had  glimpses  of  the  blue  figures  of  the  sol- 
diers as  they  progressed  in  taking  the  outer  defences, 
finally  storming  their  way  into  the  works  themselves 
with  a  gallantry  and  precision  in  the  face  of  heavy 
losses  which  would  not  be  gainsaid.  Soon  after  night- 
fall the  last  shot  in  resistance  was  fired  from  the  fort. 
The  fleet  sent  up  rockets  celebrating  the  victory  won 
by  an  attack  which  must  stand  high  in  history,  both 
for  its  skill  and  its  courage.  Indeed,  the  manner  in 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORT  FISHER      137 

which  Major-General  Terry  had  conducted  the  whole 
operation  was  significant  of  the  efficiency  of  the  offi- 
cers and  men  of  the  veteran  army  which  was  the  in- 
strument with  which  Grant  won  peace  at  last. 

What  Appomattox  was  for  the  Federal  army, 
Fort  Fisher  was  for  the  Federal  navy.  Profession- 
ally the  war  had  meant  nearly  four  years'  training 
for  me  as  an  executive  officer.  Had  I  had  my  choice 
of  experience,  it  could  not  have  been  better  in  its 
training  for  command.  I  knew  the  business  of  being 
the  responsible  executive  of  a  large  crew  on  a  big 
ship,  with  my  work  subject  to  the  direction  of  an 
older  head. 

Soon  after  Fort  Fisher  Commodore  Thatcher 
was  relieved  from  the  Colorado  and  promoted  to  act- 
ing rear-admiral  to  relieve  Farragut  in  command  of 
the  Gulf  Squadron.  He  wished  me  to  go  with  him 
as  his  chief  of  staff,  but  I  was  only  about  to  receive 
my  promotion  as  lieutenant-commander,  and  the 
Navy  Department  again  found  my  youth  an  ob- 
stacle. And  my  youth  in  the  eyes  of  Captain  R.  H. 
Wyman,  who  took  Thatcher's  place,  also  made  me 
inacceptable  to  him  as  executive.  In  six  months 
after  I  left  the  Colorado,  however,  she  had  lost  a 
hundred  men  by  desertion.  A  sort  of  left-handed 
promotion  took  me  to  the  Kearsarge,  the  victor  over 
the  Alabama,  as  executive,  and  I  was  on  board  her  on 
that  happy  day  for  the  Union  cause  when  we  dressed 
ship  in  honor  of  the  surrender  of  Lee  to  Grant. 


CHAPTER  XI 
SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR 

WITH  the  war  over,  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
navy  were  entitled  to  a  holiday.  The  European 
Squadron  was  re-established.  We  crossed  the  At- 
lantic with  the  prestige  of  veteran  ships  and  a  veteran 
personnel  which  had  revolutionized  naval  warfare. 
Our  presence  in  European  waters  once  we  spoke  for 
a  united  country  again — after  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
the  four  years  during  which  the  blockade  had  devel- 
oped hostility  both  in  England  and  France — could 
not  help  having  an  international  significance.  If 
not  regarded  with  affection,  we  were  regarded  with 
respect  and  interest.  Our  officers  were  given  leave 
of  absence  which  enabled  them  to  see  the  capitals; 
and  in  many  other  ways  the  service  was  most  agree- 
able. 

After  being  with  the  Kearsarge  for  nearly  a  year 
I  became  executive  officer  of  the  Canandaigua.  Then 
Rear-Admiral  Goldsborough,  commanding  the  Eu- 
ropean Squadron,  who  as  captain  had  been  superin- 
tendent the  first  year  that  I  was  at  Annapolis,  took 
me  as  his  flag-lieutenant,  giving  me  my  first  staff 
experience.  When  the  executive  officer  of  the  Colo- 
rado, in  which  I  had  served  at  Fort  Fisher,  was  de- 
138 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          139 

tached,  the  admiral,  who  had  always  had  a  fondness 
for  me,  I  think,  on  account  of  the  fight  in  the  mess- 
room,  said: 

"Now  is  your  chance!  Take  the  Colorado  and 
make  a  man-of-war  of  her." 

So  I  had  my  old  ship  from  which  I  had  been 
detached  because  of  my  youth  at  the  instance  of 
Commodore  Thatcher's  successor,  after  I  had  seen 
her  through  a  battle.  There  had  been  friction  be- 
tween her  captain  and  her  executive,  and  discipline 
was  at  a  low  ebb.  However,  it  was  soon  restored. 
Thus,  from  1862  to  1867,  I  had  been  executive  officer 
of  no  less  than  nine  ships. 

Among  the  officers  on  the  Colorado  was  Lieuten- 
ant-Commander William  T.  Sampson,  afterward 
commander  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron  in  the 
Spanish  War,  with  whom  I  formed  a  life-long  friend- 
ship. Nature  had  been  kind  to  Sampson.  Not  only 
had  he  a  most  brilliant  mind  and  the  qualities  of 
a  practical  and  efficient  officer  on  board  ship,  but  he 
was,  in  those  days  of  his  youth,  one  of  the  hand- 
somest men  I  have  ever  seen,  with  a  bearing  at  once 
modest  and  dignified.  Already  he  was  a  marked 
man  among  his  fellow-officers,  who,  in  a  profession 
which  is  so  strictly  technical,  are  the  best  judges  of 
a  confrere's  abilities.  As  a  mess  companion  he  was 
an  inspiration,  and  many  were  the  professional  dis- 
cussions we  had,  now  agreeing  and  now  disagreeing 
with  equal  earnestness.  As  young  men  we  were 


140  GEORGE  DEWEY 

looking  ahead  to  the  future  developments  of  naval 
science  which  had  been  given  such  an  impetus  from 
'61  to  '65,  while  we  still  enjoyed  the  traditions  of 
the  old  sailing-ship  days,  and  frequently,  in  passage 
from  port  to  port,  had  the  Colorado  under  full  sail, 
while  our  engines  were  silent. 

Altogether  I  was  in  European  waters  over  two 
years.  About  a  week  before  the  Colorado  was  to 
start  for  home,  when  the  whole  squadron  was  in  the 
harbor  of  Cherbourg,  the  Franklin  came  in,  bearing 
the  four-starred  flag  of  Admiral  Farragut,  whose 
forthcoming  cruise  in  European  waters  was  to  be  a 
triumphal  progress.  His  was  now  the  great  naval 
name  of  the  world. 

He  was  sixty-six  years  old.  He  seemed  as  lively 
as  in  the  days  on  the  Mississippi,  and  we  thought 
that  he  would  live  to  hale  old  age  to  enjoy  the  honors 
he  had  so  deservedly  won.  When  he  came  on  board 
the  Colorado  with  his  staff,  he  was  received  with  all 
the  pomp  of  his  rank,  including  airs  by  our  band 
of  thirty-two  pieces,  which  had  no  equal  in  the  navy. 
He  went  all  over  the  ship,  inspecting  every  detail, 
and  made  no  concealment  of  his  delight  over  what 
he  saw.  Before  going,  he  turned  to  Captain  Pen- 
nock,  his  brother-in-law,  who  was  captain  of  the 
Franklin,  and  said: 

"Pennock,  I  want  the  Franklin  to  be  just  like  this." 

European  hospitality  was  harder  on  h'is  health 
than  the  Mississippi  campaign,  and  after  that  tour 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          141 

of  many  ports  with  continual  social  functions,  when 
he  returned  home  everybody  remarked  that  he  was 
rapidly  failing.  His  last  cruise  was  from  Norfolk 
to  Portsmouth.  Though  he  was  in  his  cabin  and 
scarcely  able  to  rise,  when  a  man-of-war  passed  and 
saluted  his  flag  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  put  on  his  uni- 
form and  go  on  deck.  That  was  the  last  time  that 
his  flag  was  ever  saluted  at  sea.  He  died  in  the 
commandant's  house  at  Portsmouth.  Not  long  be- 
fore his  death  my  father-in-law  and  I  called  on  him. 
It  was  a  shock  to  see  how  pale  and  thin  he  had  be- 
come. Yet,  ill  as  he  was,  he  retained  his  old-time 
cheerful  manner,  which  had  ever  endeared  him  to 
his  subordinates.  Many  years  afterward  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  unveiling  a  bronze  tablet  to  his  memory 
in  the  house  where  he  died. 

In  September,  1867,  soon  after  the  Colorado  was 
back  in  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard,  I  was  detached 
and  ordered  to  the  Naval  Academy  in  charge  of  the 
fourth  class  of  midshipmen  and  in  general  charge  of 
the  ships  stationed  there.  This  was  my  first  assign- 
ment to  shore  duty,  excepting  the  short  period  as 
prize  commissioner  in  New  Orleans,  for  nine  years, 
or  since  1858,  when  I  started  on  my  midshipman 
cruise  on  the  W abash. 

A  month  after  receiving  my  orders  I  was  mar- 
ried in  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  to  Susan  Boardman 
Goodwin,  daughter  of  ex-Governor  Goodwin,  of  New 
Hampshire;  and  so  I  took  my  bride  to  Annapolis, 


i42  GEORGE  DEWEY 

where  I  spent  three  happy  years.  There  were  a 
great  many  other  young  officers  and  their  brides  at 
that  station.  David  D.  Porter,  then  vice-admiral, 
was  superintendent,  and  he  was  as  fond  of  spirit  in 
social  functions  as  in  war.  There  was  so  much  gay- 
ety  that  one  cynical  officer  referred  to  the  institu- 
tion as  "Porter's  Dancing  Academy."  However, 
Porter's  great  reputation  left  him  free  of  any  impu- 
tation of  having  the  frivolous  side  of  his  nature  over- 
developed at  the  expense  of  any  other.  Few  men 
whom  I  have  known  had  such  a  buoyantly  irrepres- 
sible, active  temperament  as  he.  His  mind  seemed 
equally  resourceful  in  a  battle  or  at  a  reception. 

During  my  first  year  the  midshipmen  lived  on 
board  the  training-ships  stationed  at  Annapolis, 
which  included  the  brave  old  Constitution.  Their 
quarters  were  stuffy,  and,  on  account  of  poor  ven- 
tilation, were  no  place  for  growing  boys  who  needed 
plenty  of  fresh  air.  The  next  year,  however,  they 
lived  in  the  new  building,  which  was  much  better 
for  them,  while  they  still  might  drill  as  seamen  on 
board  ship  and  know  life  in  ship's  quarters  on  cruises. 

Porter  was  succeeded  during  the  last  year  of  my 
stay  at  Annapolis  by  Rear-Admiral  John  L.  Worden, 
who  made  me  his  aide  in  addition  to  my  other  duties. 
Neither  Porter  nor  Worden  was  a  graduate  of  An- 
napolis. As  the  Academy  had  been  established  only 
twenty-two  years,  no  graduate  as  yet  had  enough 
rank  to  be  superintendent. 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          143 

Worden  was  a  positive  character,  in  keeping  with 
the  determined  way  that  he  fought,  not  only  the 
Monitor  in  the  famous  action  against  the  Merrimac, 
but  also  the  other  ships  intrusted  to  his  command 
during  the  war.  In  common  with  many  of  the  older 
officers,  he  was  not  yet  convinced  that  the  academic 
schooling  of  Annapolis  was  a  wiser  system  in  giving 
future  officers  a  groundwork  than  the  old-fashioned 
system  of  apprenticeship  on  board  ship  while  actu- 
ally cruising.  I  recollect  that  one  day,  when  I  was 
at  work  at  a  desk  in  his  office,  he  had  a  midship- 
man up  for  some  infraction  of  discipline,  and  he 
broke  out: 

"Where  you  ought  to  be,  young  man,  is  not 
ashore  in  a  landsman's  school,  but  right  on  board 
ship,  where  you  would  learn  the  business  of  being  a 
seaman  in  the  same  hard  school  that  I  learned  it." 

At  this,  well  knowing  the  admiral's  views  on  the 
score,  which  were  often  repeated,  the  midshipman 
grinned  slightly,  perhaps  unconsciously. 

"Don't  you  grin  at  me  or  I  will  throw  you  out 
of  the  window!"  Worden  blazed. 

The  midshipman's  face  went  very  stiff  and  sober 
at  such  a  "dressing  down"  from  the  autocrat  of 
Annapolis  and  one  of  the  great  heroes  of  the  war. 
For  some  reason  I  myself  could  not  resist  a  smile  at 
the  situation,  and  the  admiral  caught  me  at  it,  too. 
For  a  minute  I  did  not  know  but  he  might  try  to 
throw  me  out  of  the  window.  However,  he  con- 
trolled his  temper  and  said  nothing. 


144  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Upon  leaving  the  Naval  Academy  I  had  my  first 
regular  command,  though  on  various  occasions  I  had 
been  acting  commander  of  a  vessel  in  the  regular 
commander's  absence.  I  was  given  the  Narragan- 
setty  a  third-class  sloop.  I  had  spent  three  months 
on  board  her  in  New  York  harbor  without  orders 
to  go  to  sea  when  I  was  transferred  to  the  Supply, 
one  of  three  naval  vessels  that  had  been  detailed  to 
take  supplies  contributed  by  the  American  public  to 
the  relief  of  the  French  who  had  suffered  privations 
in  the  siege  of  Paris.  She  was  an  antiquated  store- 
ship  of  a  little  over  five  hundred  tons  burden. 

As  we  had  to  cross  the  Atlantic  under  sail,  the 
relief  we  carried  was  not  very  expeditious,  to  say  the 
least.  When  we  arrived  at  Havre  we  found  the 
wharves  piled  with  supplies  which  were  neglected, 
as  at  that  time  Paris  was  in  the  throes  of  the  Com- 
mune. A  telegram  from  the  committee  in  charge  of 
delivering  the  stores  instructed  me  to  take  them  to 
London,  where  they  could  be  sold  and  the  proceeds 
distributed  to  better  advantage  than  if  I  landed 
them.  So  I  took  the  Supply  up  the  Thames  to  the 
London  docks,  where  I  turned  my  cargo  over  to  the 
committee,  consisting  of  the  American  minister,  Mr. 
Junius  S.  Morgan,  Mr.  Charles  Marshall,  the  banker, 
and  Mr.  Charles  Lanier.  I  spent  a  delightful  month 
in  London  with  my  friend  Francis  Blake,  a  banker, 
who  had  formerly  been  in  the  navy. 

Upon  my  return  I  was  at  the  Boston  Navy  Yard 
for  a  few  months,  and  then  was  sent  to  the  naval 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          145 

torpedo  station  at  Newport.  Here,  on  December 
23,  1872,  my  son,  George  Goodwin  Dewey,  was  born. 
The  death  of  his  mother  occurred  five  days  later, 
and  in  the  following  February  I  was  detached  from 
a  station  which  was  ever  to  have  sad  associations 
for  me. 

While  at  Newport  I  had  received  my  promotion 
as  commander,  and  now,  in  the  spring  of  1873,  I  was 
given  the  Narragansett  again.  She  was  in  Panama 
Bay,  where  I  joined  her,  and  with  her  I  spent  over 
two  years  surveying  the  peninsula  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia and  the  coast  of  Mexico  as  far  as  Cape  Corri- 
entes.  The  charts  which  we  made  are  still  in  use. 

We  were  in  the  Gulf  of  California  when  the  news- 
papers arrived  with  word  of  the  Firginius  affair. 
Resentment  against  Spain  was  so  strong  in  the 
United  States  that  war  seemed  inevitable.  Going 
into  the  wardroom,  I  found  the  officers  sitting  about 
in  various  attitudes  of  despondency.  Among  them 
was  Ensign,  now  Rear-Admiral,  Badger,  who  re- 
members the  conversation  very  well.  I  asked  them 
why  they  were  so  blue.  They  said  that  there  was 
to  be  war  with  Spain  and,  marooned  thousands  of 
miles  from  home,  they  would  be  entirely  out  of  it. 

"On  the  contrary,  we  shall  be  very  much  in  it," 
I  said.  "If  war  with  Spain  is  declared,  the  Narra- 
gansett will  take  Manila." 

I  had  always  been  interested  in  the  Philippine 
Islands  and  had  read  whatever  books  I  could  find 


146  GEORGE  DEWEY 

relating  to  them,  and  my  familiarity  with  the  sub- 
ject immediately  suggested  them  as  a  logical  point 
of  attack.  If  the  inevitable  conflict  with  Spain  had 
come  then,  it  is  possible  that  I  should  have  enjoyed 
the  same  privilege  that  was  to  be  mine  twenty-five 
years  later. 

The  Narragansett  frequently  took  refuge  in  the 
hurricane  anchorage  at  La  Paz,  usually  for  the  pur- 
pose of  working  up  our  charts  and  refitting  ship. 
On  these  occasions  I  often  visited  the  silver  mines  lo- 
cated at  Triunfo  in  the  interior,  about  forty  miles 
from  La  Paz.  These  mines  were  owned  and  managed 
by  Americans,  who  also  filled  all  the  subordinate 
positions  requiring  expert  knowledge.  The  heavy 
labor  was  done  by  Mexicans,  some  five  or  six  hun- 
dred being  employed.  Mr.  Brook,  the  manager, 
was  most  hospitable.  I  was  made  to  feel  very  much 
at  home  at  his  residence  at  the  mines,  and  enjoyed 
many  delightful  rides  from  that  point  as  a  base,  in 
company  with  him  and  his  ten-year-old  son. 

While  the  Narragansett  was  lying  in  La  Paz  har- 
bor, delayed  by  bad  weather  beyond  her  expected 
sailing  date,  a  messenger  from  the  mines  brought  on 
board  a  note  from  Mr.  Brook.  The  note  was  ob- 
viously written  in  great  haste  and  stated  that  the 
Mexicans  at  the  mines  had  risen  against  the  Ameri- 
cans and  were  besieging  them  in  their  compound  and 
threatening  to  massacre  the  entire  colony.  Appeals 
for  relief  had  been  sent  to  the  governor  at  La  Paz, 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          147 

but  without  result.  Mr.  Brook  was  writing  to  me, 
he  said,  in  the  faint  hope  that  my  ship  might  still 
be  in  port.  He  begged  me  to  take  some  action 
promptly  if  his  note  reached  me,  as  he  could  not 
hope  to  hold  out  much  longer. 

The  governor  of  the  district,  whose  head-quarters 
were  at  La  Paz,  was  a  brigadier-general  in  the  Mex- 
ican army,  and  a  rather  domineering  character,  I  had 
inferred  from  my  previous  associations  with  him. 
He  had  under  his  immediate  command  in  La  Paz 
about  one  hundred  regular  Mexican  troops.  The 
Narragans fit's  landing  force  was  very  small.  I  real- 
ized that  there  would  be  little  promise  of  any  re- 
sult other  than  catastrophe  if  I  should  endeavor  to 
despatch  such  a  small  body  through  forty  miles  of 
hostile  country,  leaving  between  themselves  and 
their  base  a  force  of  the  enemy  so  greatly  superior 
in  numbers  as  the  Mexican  guard  in  La  Paz.  It 
was  obvious  that  other  tactics  were  demanded. 

I  sent  for  my  executive  officer,  Lieutenant  George 
C.  Reiter,  now  a  rear-admiral  on  the  retired  list,  and 
directed  him  to  call  at  once  upon  the  governor  in 
company  with  our  consul,  and  convey  to  him  my 
request  that  he  despatch  troops  immediately  to  the 
relief  of  the  beleaguered  American  colony  at  the 
mines.  He  was  to  state  further  to  the  governor 
that,  in  the  event  of  failure  to  act  promptly  and 
effectively  in  compliance  with  my  request,  I  should 
take  possession  of  the  city  and  the  custom-house  and 


148  GEORGE  DEWEY 

should  retain  possession  at  least  pending  instructions 
from  my  government.  With  the  mail  facilities  at 
that  time,  certainly  two  months  would  elapse  before 
such  instructions  could  reach  me  from  Washington, 
a  fact  well  known  to  his  Excellency.  Mr.  Reiter 
lost  no  time  in  getting  ashore,  nor  did  my  message 
to  the  governor  lose  any  of  its  force  in  transmission. 

The  governor  expressed  astonishment  and  some 
petulance.  He  exclaimed : 

"Why  does  your  government  send  irresponsible 
boys  in  command  of  its  ships  to  foreign  ports?" 

At  the  time  I  was  thirty-six  years  old,  and  there- 
fore not  exactly  a  boy. 

Mr.  Reiter  assured  him  that  I  meant  literally 
every  word  that  I  had  said.  The  governor,  looking 
from  his  window,  observed  that  the  Narragansett 
had  just  completed  a  shift  of  anchorage  to  a  loca- 
tion commanding  the  main  street  of  the  city,  his 
own  official  residence,  and  the  custom-house.  He 
sent  word,  and  kept  it,  that  the  troops  would  be 
despatched  immediately  and  that  I  need  have  no 
further  apprehensions. 

Some  months  later  I  received  from  the  Navy  De- 
partment a  clipping  from  a  New  York  newspaper 
with  head-lines  announcing,  "The  right  man  in 
the  right  place,"  and  text  which  narrated  in  lauda- 
tory terms  the  foregoing  incident.  The  clipping  was 
pasted  on  a  sheet  of  official  note-paper  and  followed 
by  a  written  line:  "The  Department  still  awaits 


SERVICE  AFTER  THE  WAR          149 

your  report  on  this  subject."  In  reply  I  informed 
the  department  exactly  what  had  happened  and 
stated  that  I  had  not  considered  it  of  sufficient  im- 
portance to  be  made  the  subject  of  a  report.  I 
awaited  the  department's  comment  with  some  anx- 
iety. When  it  came,  however,  it  was  to  the  effect 
that  my  action  was  fully  approved. 

Two  years  in  the  Gulf  of  California  means  prac- 
tical isolation;  and  surveying  in  that  hot  climate, 
as  we  used  to  keep  at  it  from  dawn  to  dark,  was 
hard  work.  It  was  with  the  pleasant  anticipation 
of  seeing  my  little  son  and  the  home  country  that  I 
received  my  orders  detaching  me  from  the  Narra- 
gansett  in  the  spring  of  1875. 


CHAPTER  XII 
BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY 

IN  the  long  period  of  inertia  for  our  navy  after 
the  Civil  War,  while  the  country  took  no  interest 
in  its  defences  and  our  ships  did  little  cruising,  of- 
ficers saw  relatively  a  great  deal  of  shore  duty. 
Nearly  every  officer  of  this  time  was,  sooner  or  later, 
connected  in  one  capacity  or  another  with  the  light- 
house service. 

After  two  years  as  light-house  inspector  for  the 
second  district,  with  head-quarters  at  Boston,  in 
April,  1878,  I  was  made  naval  secretary  of  the  light- 
house board.  This  was  my  first  tour  of  duty  with 
residence  in  Washington.  Major  Peter  C.  Hains,  of 
the  engineer  corps,  was  the  army  secretary,  while 
the  other  members  were  two  army  and  two  naval 
officers,  and  three  civilians,  including  Professor 
Henry,  secretary  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  a 
scientist  of  high  repute  in  his  day,  to  whom  many 
gave  the  priority  of  credit  for  the  invention  of  the 
magnetic  telegraph. 

Among  the  questions  that  came  up  for  settlement 
was  the  substitution  of  mineral  for  lard  oil  in  the 
lamps.  Professor  Henry  favored  lard  oil,  which  cost 
about  seventy-five  cents  a  gallon,  while  mineral 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY          151 

oil  cost  eight  cents.  Major  Hains  and  myself  were 
for  the  innovation,  which  was  accepted  after  we  had 
convinced  the  professor  by  practical  demonstration 
that  mineral  oil  was  the  cheaper  and  really  the  better 
illuminant.  We  saw  electric  lights  used  in  the  large 
sea-coast  light-houses  for  the  first  time ;  the  introduc- 
tion of  gas-lighted  buoys,  which  were  already  in  use 
in  Europe;  and  we  changed  the  system  of  paying 
the  employees  (which  had  been  a  source  of  dissatis- 
faction) from  that  of  orders  on  the  collectors  of  cus- 
toms to  the  simple  one  of  direct  payment  by  the 
inspectors. 

This  position  of  naval  secretary  I  held  for  the 
usual  term  of  four  years,  beginning  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  President  Hayes,  and  extending  through 
the  brief  administration  of  President  Garfield  and 
the  first  year  of  President  Arthur's.  I  found  myself 
in  Washington  social  life,  with  its  round  of  dinners 
and  receptions,  which  were  a  new  and  enjoyable 
experience  to  me,  if  exhausting  physically.  Among 
statesmen  Elaine  and  Conkling  were  at  the  height 
of  their  careers;  Grant's  candidacy  for  a  third  term 
developed  and  failed;  and  Admiral  Porter  and  Gen- 
eral Sherman,  whom  I  frequently  met,  were  still 
living. 

With  the  passage  of  time  I  had  lost  none  of  a 
Vermonter's  fondness  for  good  horse-flesh,  and  riding 
was  my  favorite  exercise.  On  my  afternoon  consti- 
tutionals I  often  came  up  with  a  fine-looking,  white- 


152  GEORGE  DEWEY 

bearded  old  gentleman,  who  always  wore  a  German 
cap.  Sometimes  as  I  overtook  him  I  would  draw 
rein  and  we  would  pass  the  time  of  day.  Then,  as 
I  liked  to  go  faster  than  he  did,  I  would  draw  ahead 
of  him,  always  receiving  the  politest  bow  in  exchange 
for  my  own. 

He  struck  me  as  a  most  delightful  person — 
and  I  conceived  a  real  liking  for  him.  One  day  I 
asked  the  watchman  at  the  gate  of  the  Soldiers' 
Home  who  this  old  gentleman  was.  He  answered, 
"His  name  is  Bancroft,  and  he  is  from  Berlin." 
From  this  I  knew  that  he  was  the  historian  and 
former  secretary  of  the  navy,  and  that  he  must 
have  developed  a  fondness  for  German  caps  when 
he  was  our  minister  to  Germany. 

The  next  time  that  I  met  him  when  I  was  riding 
I  introduced  myself  and  said: 

"As  an  officer  of  the  navy,  who  owes  so  much  to 
the  Naval  Academy  that  you  established,  I  want  to 
thank  you/' 

I  could  see  that  he  liked  the  compliment  with 
its  reference  to  a  service  which  many  of  that  genera- 
tion had  forgotten,  and  so  we  became  good  friends. 
I  enjoyed  many  anecdotes  from  him  when  I  slowed 
the  pace  of  my  horse  to  that  of  his  in  our  afternoon 
rides. 

I  was  at  a  dinner  later  when  both  he  and  General 
Sherman  were  present.  Menus  were  passed  around 
with  a  request  for  autographs.  General  Sherman 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         153 

wrote  his  and  underneath  a  word  which  Mr.  Ban- 
croft could  not  make  out. 

"What  is  it?"  Mr.  Bancroft  asked. 

"General,"  answered  Sherman. 

Mr.  Bancroft,  who  had  already  written  his  auto- 
graph, asked  for  the  menu  back  and  under  his  name 
he  added,  "Octogenarian."  He  lived  to  be  very  old, 
and  in  his  latter  days  his  mind  was  feeble.  He  had 
to  give  up  riding  and  was  a  familiar  figure  in  the 
streets  of  Washington  leaning  on  the  arm  of  his 
German  man-servant. 

One  day  when  I  was  walking  with  Admiral  Porter 
and  we  passed  Bancroft  I  heard  the  valet  say  to  him: 
"Lift  your  hat.  That  is  Admiral  Porter."  For  it 
was  a  custom  in  Washington  to  lift  the  hat  to  the 
admiral.  Mr.  Bancroft  obeyed  the  valet's  military 
direction,  and  Porter  said  to  me:  "Here  he  is  told 
to  lift  his  hat  to  me  when  I  used  to  salute  him  as  a 
superior."  Porter  had  lifted  his  own  hat  in  a  man- 
ner that  showed  that  the  old  feeling  of  a  junior  of- 
ficer in  the  presence  of  a  former  secretary  of  the 
navy  had  not  passed. 

In  October,  1882,  I  was  ordered  to  the  command 
of  the  Juniata,  which  was  to  proceed  to  the  China 
station  by  way  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  assignment 
being  most  welcome  on  account  of  my  health.  The 
Juniata  was  a  second-rate  sloop,  built  in  1861.  When 
I  had  gone  to  Europe  with  the  Wabash  on  my  mid- 
shipman cruise  it  had  been  in  one  of  the  finest  frig- 


iS4  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ates  of  my  time.  At  the  same  station,  in  1866,  I 
joined  a  sister  ship  of  the  Wabash,  the  Colorado,  with 
the  prestige  that  our  navy  had  won  in  the  Civil 
War.  Now  I  was  going  in  a  relic  of  a  past  epoch  of 
naval  warfare,  which  you  would  have  expected  to 
see  flying  the  flag  of  some  tenth-rate  power.  She 
was  as  out  of  date  as  the  stage-coach.  Her  round 
bottom  made  her  roll  heavily  with  even  a  light  swell, 
and  an  English  sea-captain  at  Fayal  declared  that 
he  had  seen  her  keel  out  of  water. 

Naval  science  had  gone  ahead  rapidly  and  we 
had  stood  still.  While  Europe  was  building  armored 
battle-ships  and  fast  cruisers,  we  were  making  no 
additions  to  our  navy.  We  had  no  sea-going  com- 
merce to  protect.  With  the  coming  of  steel  hulls 
and  steam  this  had  all  passed  to  England  and  France, 
and  that  rising  sea-power,  the  German  Empire. 
Therefore,  no  one  had  any  direct  interest  in  the 
navy.  Our  antiquated  men-of-war  had  become  the 
laughing-stock  of  the  nations.  Their  only  possible 
utility  was  as  something  that  would  float  for  officers 
and  men  to  cruise  in  in  time  of  peace  and  be  murdered 
in  by  a  few  broadsides  in  time  of  war.  We  had 
appropriations  only  for  running  expenses  and  re- 
pairs, none  for  building  new  ships.  Italy,  Spain, 
and  Holland  were  each  stronger  on  the  sea  than  the 
United  States. 

A  sea-voyage  did  not  bring  me  the  improvement 
in  health  for  which  I  had  hoped ;  rather  the  contrary. 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         155 

When  our  antique  Juniata  entered  the  harbor  of 
Gibraltar  I  was  too  ill  to  be  on  the  bridge.  Mr. 
Sprague,  our  consul,  brought  off  a  British  physician 
for  consultation  with  our  ship's  surgeon,  and  they 
made  a  thorough  examination  of  me.  A  number  of 
times  he  pressed  his  hand  very  forcibly  against  my 
liver,  asking,  "Does  that  hurt  you?"  and  each  time, 
though  I  had  an  excruciating  twinge,  I  managed  to 
keep  a  straight  face  and  reply,  "No." 

It  was  a  foolish  self-deceit  on  my  part,  but  I  was 
not  minded  to  have  any  medical  decision  put  me 
ashore  and  keep  me  from  going  to  the  Far  East, 
where  I  had  not  as  yet  served.  I  thought  I  could 
wear  down  my  indisposition,  as  many  another  man 
has  thought  under  similar  circumstances. 

When  we  arrived  at  Malta,  however,  I  was  taken 
ashore  to  the  British  Naval  Hospital,  with  a  com- 
plication of  typhoid  fever  and  abscess  of  the  liver. 
I  owe  my  life  to  the  skill  and  care  of  the  head  sur- 
geon, Dr.  James  Nicholas  Dick,  a  genial,  warm- 
hearted, capable  Irishman.  For  some  time  I  had  a 
tube  in  my  side,  and  every  day,  rather  than  trust 
any  junior  surgeon  or  nurse,  he  himself  attended  to 
the  abscess.  He  is  still  living,  and  is  now  Inspector- 
General  Sir  James  Nicholas  Dick,  of  the  Directors 
General  of  the  Medical  Department,  retired,  and 
Honorary  Surgeon  to  the  King. 

After  I  was  out  of  the  hospital  and  the  Juniata 
had  proceeded  on  her  way  under  a  new  commander, 


iS6  GEORGE  DEWEY 

I  was  given  sick-leave.  Travelling  from  one  resort 
to  another  in  search  of  health,  finally,  in  February, 
1884,  I  brought  up  at  Santa  Barbara,  California, 
which  will  ever  have  the  most  grateful  associations 
in  my  memory,  for  there  I  fully  recovered,  and  to  my 
delight,  might  again  apply  for  assignment  to  duty. 

Now,  at  the  age  of  forty-seven,  I  received  my 
promotion  from  commander  to  captain,  a  grade 
which,  thanks  to  the  slowness  of  advancement,  I 
was  to  hold  for  twelve  years,  or  until  a  year  before 
I  went  out  to  the  command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron, 
when  I  was  made  a  commodore.  I  was  given  com- 
mand of  the  Dolphin,  which  was  not  yet  in  com- 
mission. Later,  owing  to  the  disputes  which  arose 
over  this,  the  first  of  our  new  ships,  and  the  delay 
in  getting  her  to  sea,  I  was  offered  the  command  of 
the  Pensacola,  which  I  gladly  accepted. 

Of  her  I  could  say  what  the  officer  who  had  charge 
of  towing  the  dry-dock  to  the  Philippines  said,  when 
he  was  in  my  office  in  the  General  Board  after  his 
return  and  was  looking  at  a  picture  of  the  Dewey 
riding  a  heavy  sea:  "I  think  I  should  know  her  if  I 
ever  saw  her  again!"  The  Pensacola  had  been  the 
companion  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  laborious  busi- 
ness of  getting  her  over  the  bar  for  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  and  she  had  been  anchored  in  the 
river  off  New  Orleans  ahead  of  us  during  our  long 
stay  there  in  '62.  At  the  close  of  the  war  she  was 
already  obsolete  as  a  fighting  naval  unit,  in  com- 


CAPTAIN    DEWEY    AT   THE    AGE    OF    FORTY-SIX 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         157 

parison  with  the  New  Ironsides  or  the  monitors. 
Twenty  years  later,  when  the  armored  ships  built 
in  Europe  five  years  previously  were  already  out  of 
date,  and  those  built  ten  years  previously  were  being 
put  in  reserve,  she  went  abroad  bearing  the  flag  of 
Rear-Admiral  Franklin. 

She  was  interesting  because  of  her  antiquity;  but 
for  the  sake  of  picturesqueness  as  a  survival,  which 
was  her  only  claim  to  attention,  it  would  have  been 
better  if  she  had  been  a  relic  of  the  War  of  1812, 
which,  for  practical  purposes,  she  might  just  as  well 
have  been.  But  there  were  statesmen  who  averred 
that  if  the  Pensacola  had  fought  well  in  the  Civil 
War,  she  also  would  fight  well  enough  in  the  '8o's. 
The  best  face  we  could  present  to  foreign  officers 
was  to  say  that  we  were  starting  a  new  navy,  while 
we  kept  the  Pensacola  and  vessels  of  her  class  ship- 
shape and  tried  to  learn  modern  gunnery  by  target 
practice  with  her  obsolete  guns.  There  was  not  a 
fourth-rate  British  cruiser  of  modern  build  that  could 
not  easily  have  kept  out  of  range  of  her  battery, 
torn  her  to  pieces,  and  set  her  on  fire. 

When  I  was  on  the  Colorado  as  executive  officer 
in  '65  I  was  very  young  for  my  position.  Now  I 
was  old  for  a  captain  who  had  just  been  promoted 
from  commander,  and  at  an  age  when  many  English 
officers  receive  the  grade  of  rear-admiral,  which  I  was 
not  to  have  until  I  was  sixty-one.  In  those  days 
naval  officers  had  reason  for  regretting  their  choice  of 


158  GEORGE  DEWEY 

a  profession  in  which  they  had  to  see  the  officers  of 
other  nations  enjoying  the  use  of  material  for  keep- 
ing up  with  professional  progress  which  they  them- 
selves wholly  lacked.  We  knew  that  any  one  of  the 
powers  might  require  us  to  submit  to  humiliating 
exactions  because  we  were  incapable  of  defence  by 
sea.  The  more  earnest  the  effort  of  an  officer  to 
keep  up  with  progress  despite  his  handicaps,  the 
more  sensitive  he  was  to  them.  It  was  easy  then 
for  an  officer  to  drift  along  in  his  grade,  losing  in- 
terest and  remaining  in  the  navy  only  because  he 
was  too  old  to  change  his  occupation. 

Yet  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution,  of  1812,  and  of 
Farragut  and  Annapolis  did  not  die.  It  remained  to 
develop  the  efficiency  of  the  new  navy,  which  was 
to  have  its  trial  in  the  Spanish  War.  We  had  a 
fine-spirited  crew  on  board  the  Pensacola,  and  I 
often  wondered  how  they  were  able  to  keep  up  their 
interest  in  such  an  old  tub.  When  I  visited  the 
Mediterranean  again  it  was  on  the  Olympia,  home- 
ward bound  from  the  Orient,  and  it  was  a  source  of 
much  satisfaction  to  be  returning  from  a  victory  won 
with  ships  of  our  new  navy,  in  view  of  the  wounds 
to  my  sense  of  professional  pride  as  captain  of  the 
Pensacola  fourteen  years  previously. 

As  we  had  no  commerce  or  interests  to  protect 
in  Europe,  and  were  unable  to  protect  them  if  we 
had,  the  presence  of  our  squadron  in  European  waters 
was  perfunctory.  It  used  to  be  a  saying  among  the 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         159 

officers  that  we  went  from  port  to  port  to  meet  our 
wives,  who  were  travelling  ashore,  and  to  get  letters 
from  sweethearts.  One  could  easily  have  reasoned 
that  the  Navy  Department,  knowing  that  we  could 
be  of  no  service  as  an  instrument  of  warfare,  meant 
us  to  enjoy  a  pleasantly  conducted  European  holiday. 

In  the  summer  of  1885  we  avoided  the  heat  of 
the  Mediterranean  by  going  to  northern  waters, 
where  our  ports  of  call  included  Stockholm  and 
Copenhagen.  At  Stockholm,  King  Oscar  of  Sweden 
came  on  board.  He  had  been  a  naval  officer  when 
called  to  the  throne,  and  had  the  true  sailor's  fond- 
ness for  the  service.  While  taking  a  glass  of  wine 
and  a  piece  of  hardtack  in  the  cabin  and  looking  out 
on  the  gun-deck,  he  remarked  to  those  about  him: 
"This  is  the  kind  of  kingdom  for  a  man  to  have.  I 
would  rather  command  a  man-of-war  than  be  king 
of  any  country  in  the  world."  And  turning  to 
Commander  Bridgeman,  of  the  Kearsarge,  he  said: 
"Would  not  you,  captain?"  Bridgeman  answered, 
with  a  smile:  "I  have  only  tried  the  man-of-war, 
your  Majesty." 

With  the  coming  of  winter  we  were  back  south, 
touching  at  whatever  Mediterranean  ports  pleased 
the  squadron  commander,  from  Tangier  to  Alexan- 
dria and  Villefranche  to  the  Piraeus.  At  the  Piraeus 
we  were  visited  by  King  George  of  Greece.  The 
evening  before  the  Pensacola  left  the  Piraeus  I  dined 
with  the  royal  family,  the  only  guest,  and  on  leav- 


160  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ing  after  dinner  the  King  accompanied  me  to  the 
outer  door  and  said:  "The  next  time  you  come  I 
hope  you  will  be  admiral."  It  was  a  source  of  much 
regret  that  I  could  not  go  to  Greece  with  the  Olympia 
on  my  way  from  Manila  when  I  was  an  admiral, 
but  it  meant  two  weeks'  quarantine,  and  I  was  there- 
fore obliged  to  forego  the  pleasure.  We  spent  all 
the  summer  of  '87  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  in  Au- 
gust Rear-Admiral  Franklin  reached  the  retiring 
age.  His  flag  was  hauled  down  and  that  of  Rear- 
Admiral  James  A.  Greer  was  hoisted  in  its  place. 

At  Malta  we  saluted  a  flag  comparatively  a  new- 
comer to  the  Mediterranean,  and,  indeed,  to  the 
Atlantic — the  Japanese,  flying  from  the  Japanese 
cruiser  Naniwa,  under  command  of  Captain  I  to,  who 
was  later  the  victorious  commander-in-chief  in  the 
naval  battle  of  the  Yalu  in  the  Chino-Japanese  War. 
It  was  the  Nanizva  under  Captain  Togo,  later  the 
victor  of  Tsushima  Straits,  which,  by  sinking  the 
transport  Kowshing  at  the  outset  of  the  Chino-Japan- 
ese War,  precipitated  an  international  incident. 

During  this  European  cruise  I  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  the  character  of  other  navies  and 
of  judging  of  their  relative  efficiency,  whether  Brit- 
ish, French,  Spanish,  or  Italian.  Though  service  in 
European  waters  is  delightful,  I  had  developed  the 
strong  conviction  that  the  maintenance  of  a  Euro- 
pean squadron  by  the  United  States  was  poor  naval 
policy. 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         161 

About  the  year  1890,  when  I  was  chief  of  the 
bureau  of  equipment  of  the  Navy  Department,  I 
was  lunching  one  day  with  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
Tracy.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation  he  said: 
"Dewey,  if  you  were  secretary  of  the  navy,  what 
would  you  do  with  our  ships  in  time  of  peace?" 
Having  already  given  this  subject  considerable 
thought,  I  replied:  "I  would  bring  all  the  ships 
home  from  the  European  station,  the  South  Atlan- 
tic station,  and  the  South  Pacific  station,  then  divide 
them  into  two  parts;  one  part  I  would  keep  on  the 
North  Atlantic  station,  and  the  other  in  the  Pacific. 
Of  those  in  the  Pacific,  I  would  keep  the  larger  part 
on  the  Pacific  coast  and  the  remainder  in  Asiatic 
waters/' 

The  secretary  said,  "Why?" 

"Well,"  I  replied,  "to  begin  with,  we  have  no  de- 
fence for  our  coasts  except  the  navy  [the  coasts  were 
not  defended  then  by  the  army  as  they  now  are]; 
and  in  the  second  place,  our  officers  and  men  would 
have  an  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with 
our  own  coasts,  which  they  are  not  able  to  do  now; 
and  above  all,  we  would  be  spending  the  country's 
money  at  home  and  giving  our  people  a  chance  to 
see  something  of  the  navy,  which  they  can't  do  when 
it  is  scattered  over  all  the  world.  We  don't  need  to 
keep  ships  constantly  on  foreign  stations — we  have 
no  interests  there  for  them  to  protect,  and  there  is 
really  nothing  for  them  to  do.  But  if  anything  oc- 


162  GEORGE  DEWEY 

curs  which  makes  it  necessary  for  ships  to  visit 
foreign  countries,  let  us  send  a  squadron  of  four 
ships  instead  of  one,  for  whatever  is  to  be  done  can 
be  accomplished  by  four  better  than  by  one/' 

This  was  a  view  that  might  not  be  welcome  to 
officers  or  to  their  wives,  who  liked  to  see  Europe, 
or  to  admirals  who  enjoyed  the  official  honors  that 
await  a  squadron  upon  entering  a  foreign  harbor. 
But  it  was  certainly  in  the  interest  of  efficiency. 
If  there  must  be  junketing,  let  it  be  where  our  own 
people,  who  pay  for  the  navy,  rather  than  foreigners, 
might  see  the  ships.  Much  junketing  of  any  kind 
is  a  distraction  that  interferes  with  application  and 
routine,  and  therefore  with  efficiency. 

One  reason,  perhaps,  why  so  little  was  seen  of 
our  ships  in  home  ports  for  twenty  years  after  the 
Civil  War,  was  that  the  sight  of  them  might  arouse 
the  people's  demand  for  a  naval  policy  which  did 
not  represent  a  mere  waste  of  money  in  keeping  the 
relics  in  commission.  The  people  might  have  in- 
sisted on  better  ships,  and  Congress  had  other  uses 
for  its  funds,  in  the  midst  of  increasing  pension  ex- 
penditures, than  spending  it  on  such  a  luxury  as 
building  men-of-war,  which  brought  no  return  in 
patronage.  I  often  wondered,  during  the  '70*5  and 
'8o's,  on  whose  shoulders  outraged  public  opinion 
would  have  placed  the  responsibility  if  there  had 
been  war  and  consequent  national  disaster.  There 
was  only  one  alternative  for  the  naval  captain  of  a 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         163 

wooden  ship  in  an  engagement  with  an  armor-clad, 
and  that  was  to  go  down  with  his  ship.  Then,  at 
least,  no  one  could  say  that  he  had  not  done  all  that 
could  be  expected  of  him. 

Secretary  Tracy  did  not  act  on  my  advice,  for  it 
was  a  little  ahead  of  his  time.  But  when  I  returned 
from  Manila  I  had  the  pleasure  of  again  expressing 
my  views  about  the  value  of  concentration,  which 
was  soon  thereafter  put  into  practice,  not  only  at 
home  but  by  foreign  governments  as  well.  If  we 
send  battle-ships  to  Europe  to-day,  it  is  only  for  a 
brief  visit  of  courtesy.  Naval  experts  have  ceased 
to  think  in  terms  of  single  ships ;  they  think  in  squad- 
rons and  fleets. 

The  return  trip  across  the  Atlantic  with  the  Pen- 
sacola  was  my  last  experience  on  board  a  ship  that 
carried  sail,  and  my  last  sea-service  until  I  was  to 
hoist  my  commodore's  broad  pennant.  The  next 
eight  years  were  spent  in  work  which,  to  my  mind, 
was  the  best  sort  of  preparation  for  the  duty  that 
was  to  devolve  upon  me  with  the  outbreak  of  the 
Spanish  War. 

Having  witnessed  one  abrupt  transition  in  the 
navy  in  the  Civil  War,  I  was  to  witness  another — 
this  time  to  armored  steel  vessels  with  powerful 
engines  and  guns  in  turrets.  We  had  allowed  Eu- 
rope to  have  fifteen  years  the  start  of  us,  and  at 
last  were  trying  to  catch  up  with  her,  while  our 
officers  had  been  only  observers  from  the  outside, 


164  GEORGE  DEWEY 

rather  than  participants  in  the  evolution.  Those 
of  us  who  had  not  lost  heart  and  who  had  kept  in 
touch  with  progress  by  study  and  observation  took 
up  our  tasks  with  avidity,  while  those  who  had  been 
discouraged  and  content  to  drift,  thinking  that  we 
should  never  have  anything  better  than  the  Pensa- 
colas  and  Juniatas,  found  themselves  timid  about  re- 
sponsibilities requiring  technical  knowledge  in  place 
of  old-fashioned  gunnery  and  seamanship. 

I  now  had  sufficient  rank  to  become  a  bureau 
chief,  and  was  made  chief  of  the  bureau  of  equip- 
ment on  July  20,  1889,  succeeding  my  life-long  friend 
the  later  Rear-Admiral  W.  S.  Schley,  at  a  time  when 
we  were  busy  with  the  equipment  of  the  ships  of 
our  new  navy,  which  was  now  entering  upon  a  for- 
ward stage  with  our  first  battle-ships  being  planned. 
There  was  nothing  showy  about  the  four  years'  ser- 
vice that  followed.  The  detail  was  not  exacting,  but 
vitally  engrossing  and  important.  In  common  with 
every  other  ambitious  officer  of  the  navy,  I  was  feel- 
ing the  pulse  of  the  new  spirit  and  problems.  If, 
professionally,  we  had  to  smile  a  little  when  our  pub- 
lic exulted  over  the  sending  of  the  White  Squadron 
abroad  in  order  to  show  our  new  navy  to  Europe, 
we  knew  that  this  squadron  was  only  a  pioneer  of 
something  better  to  come.  For  these  small  unar- 
mored  cruisers  were  not  built  to  fight  with  armored 
ships. 

However,  we  needed  cruisers  in  order  to  have  a 


BUILDING  THE  NEW  NAVY         165 

fleet,  and  these  were  an  excellent  beginning,  consid- 
ering how  little  we  had  to  work  with  at  first,  either 
in  appropriations  or  in  ship-yards.  Neither  the  pride 
of  our  public  nor  of  our  officers  would  have  listened 
to  the  suggestion  of  going  to  the  great  ship-yards  of 
Europe  for  our  pioneer  men-of-war.  We  must  build 
them  and  arm  them  ourselves.  It  was  better  to 
make  a  modest  start  in  a  thorough  manner  than  a  too 
ambitious  start  with  bad  results.  After  the  squad- 
ron of  cruisers  a  squadron  of  armored  fighting-ships 
was  bound  to  come. 

When  my  four  years  were  up  as  chief  of  the  bu- 
reau of  equipment  I  served  for  a  year  as  a  member 
of  the  light-house  board,  and  in  October,  1895,  was 
made  president  of  the  board  of  inspection  and  sur- 
vey. This  was  a  very  important  duty.  All  the  new 
vessels  which  were  then  nearing  completion  were  sub- 
ject to  the  board's  inspection  and  approval.  Ours 
was  the  responsibility  that  the  construction  from 
stem  to  stern  was  sound  and  that  the  builders  kept 
the  letter  of  the  specifications.  By  this  time  the 
country  had  become  interested  in  its  navy.  Any 
failure  of  our  new  battle-ships  to  come  up  to  the 
mark  was  bound  to  excite  public  suspicion,  if  not 
to  develop  a  scandal.  With  the  board  rested  the 
final  word  of  acceptance  of  any  ship  after  she  was 
finished. 

Thus  it  was  that  I  presided  at  the  trials  of  the 
Texas,  Maine,  Iowa,  Indiana,  and  Massachusetts — 


i66  GEORGE  DEWEY 

all  the  battle-ships  except  the  Oregon  which  were  to 
demolish  the  Spanish  squadron  at  Santiago — and  also 
the  armored  cruiser  Brooklyn  and,  among  the  unar- 
mored  cruisers,  the  Nashville,  Wilmington,  and  Hel- 
ena, and  a  number  of  torpedo-boats.  I  knew  the 
ships,  how  they  were  built,  and  what  was  to  be  ex- 
pected of  them,  and  I  felt  that  if  I  had  not  kept  up 
with  the  progress  of  my  profession  it  was  not  for 
want  of  application  or  opportunity. 

On  May  23,  1896,  I  had  received  my  promotion 
from  captain  to  commodore,  but  I  remained  for  an- 
other year  as  president  of  the  board  of  inspection 
and  survey,  while  my  rank  entitled  me  to  the  com- 
mand of  a  squadron  as  soon  as  there  was  a  vacancy. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  ASIATIC  SQUADRON 

IT  had  been  a  rule  with  me  never  to  try  to  bring 
political  influence  to  bear  on  the  Navy  Department 
in  my  favor  and  never  to  join  any  group  of  officers 
in  a  common  effort  for  bettering  their  position  per- 
haps at  the  expense  of  other  officers,  not  to  say  at 
the  expense  of  the  efficiency  of  the  service.  When 
the  question  of  a  successor  to  Acting  Rear-Admiral 
McNair  in  command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron  arose, 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1897,  I  knew  that  Com- 
modore John  A.  Howell  and  myself  were  being  con- 
sidered for  the  position. 

The  most  influential  officer  in  the  distribution  of 
assignments  was  Rear-Admiral  A.  S.  Crowninshield, 
chief  of  the  bureau  of  navigation,  and  a  pronounced 
bureaucrat,  with  whose  temperament  and  methods 
I  had  little  more  sympathy  than  had  the  majority 
of  the  officers  of  the  navy  at  that  time.  He  would 
hardly  recommend  me  to  any  command;  and  his 
advice  had  great  weight  with  John  D.  Long,  who 
was  then  secretary  of  the  navy. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  was  assistant  secretary  of 
the  navy.  He  was  impatient  of  red  tape,  and  had 

a  singular  understanding  both  of  the  importance  of 

167 


i68  GEORGE  DEWEY 

preparedness  for  war  and  of  striking  quick  blows  in 
rapid  succession  once  war  was  begun.  With  the 
enthusiastic  candor  which  characterizes  him,  he  de- 
clared that  I  ought  to  have  the  Asiatic  Squadron. 
He  asked  me  if  I  had  any  political  influence.  I  ex- 
pressed a  natural  disinclination  to  use  it.  He  agreed 
with  the  correctness  of  my  view  as  an  officer,  but 
this  was  a  situation  where  it  must  be  used  in  self- 
defence.  One  letter  from  an  influential  source  in 
favor  of  Howell  had  already  been  received  by  the 
department. 

"I  want  you  to  go,"  Mr.  Roosevelt  declared. 
"You  are  the  man  who  will  be  equal  to  the  emer- 
gency if  one  arises.  Do  you  know  any  senators?" 

My  heart  was  set  on  having  the  Asiatic  Squadron. 
It  seemed  to  me  that  we  were  inevitably  drifting  into 
a  war  with  Spain.  In  command  of  an  efficient  force 
in  the  Far  East,  with  a  free  hand  to  act  in  conse- 
quence of  being  so  far  away  from  Washington,  I 
could  strike  promptly  and  successfully  at  the  Span- 
ish force  in  the  Philippines. 

"Senator  Proctor  is  from  my  State,"  I  said  to 
Mr.  Roosevelt.  "He  is  an  old  friend  of  the  family, 
and  my  father  was  of  service  to  him  when  he  was  a 
young  man." 

"You  could  not  have  a  better  sponsor,"  Mr. 
Roosevelt  exclaimed.  "Lose  no  time  in  having  him 
speak  a  word  for  you." 

I  went  immediately  to  see  Senator  Proctor,  who 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     169 

was  delighted  that  I  had  mentioned  the  matter  to 
him.  That  very  day  he  called  on  President  Mc- 
Kinley  and  received  the  promise  of  the  appointment 
before  he  left  the  White  House. 

When  I  next  met  Crowninshield  he  told  me  that, 
although  I  was  to  have  the  appointment — a  fact 
which  did  not  seem  to  please  him  any  too  well — 
Secretary  Long  was  indignant  because  I  had  used 
political  influence  to  obtain  it.  I  went  in  at  once 
to  see  Mr.  Long,  and  said  to  him: 

"Mr.  Secretary,  I  understand  that  you  are  dis- 
pleased with  me  for  having  used  influence  to  secure 
command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron.  I  did  so  be- 
cause it  was  the  only  way  of  offsetting  influence  that 
was  being  exerted  on  another  officer's  behalf." 

"You  are  in  error,  commodore,"  said  Mr.  Long. 
"No  influence  has  been  brought  to  bear  on  behalf 
of  any  one  else." 

Only  a  few  hours  later,  however,  Mr.  Long  sent 
me  a  note  in  which  he  said  that  he  had  just  found 
that  a  letter  had  been  received  at  the  department 
which  he  had  seen  for  the  first  time.  It  had  arrived 
while  he  was  absent  from  the  office  and  while  Mr. 
Roosevelt  was  acting  secretary,  and  had  only  just 
been  brought  to  his  attention. 

An  order  issued  on  October  21,  1897,  detached 
me  from  duty  as  president  of  the  board  of  inspec- 
tion and  survey  on  November  30,  with  directions 
that  I  should  take  passage  to  Japan  in  a  Pacific 


170  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Mail  steamer  sailing  from  San  Francisco  on  Decem- 
ber 7,  and  report  to  Acting  Rear-Admiral  McNair 
on  board  the  flag-ship  Olympia  as  his  relief. 

In  the  month  that  I  had  remaining  in  Washing- 
ton I  studied  all  the  charts  and  descriptions  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  that  I  could  procure  and  put 
aside  many  books  about  the  Far  East  to  read  in  the 
course  of  my  journey  across  the  continent  and  the 
Pacific.  At  that  time,  not  one  man  in  ten  in  Wash- 
ington thought  that  we  should  ever  come  to  the 
actual  crisis  of  war  with  Spain. 

Whether  there  was  likelihood  of  war  or  not,  it 
was  my  duty  to  make  sure  that  the  squadron  was 
properly  prepared  for  any  emergency  and  that  not 
a  single  precaution  was  left  to  chance.  Inquiry  about 
the  quantity  of  ammunition  in  the  squadron  devel- 
oped the  fact  that  there  was  not  even  a  peace  allow- 
ance. Although  a  further  supply  had  been  ordered, 
no  one  had  seemed  to  think  it  necessary  to  facili- 
tate its  shipment,  thanks  largely  to  the  red  tape  of 
official  conservatism. 

Naturally  it  was  my  business  to  request  that  it 
should  be  forwarded  immediately.  The  department 
informed  me  that  the  trans-Pacific  steamers  would 
not  receive  it,  that  no  merchant-vessel  could  be  found 
to  take  it,  and  that  it  would  have  to  await  the  sailing 
of  the  U.  S.  S.  Charleston,  then  under  repair  and  not 
likely  to  be  in  commission  for  six  months.  Vigor- 
ously supported  by  Mr.  Roosevelt,  I  finally  sue- 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     171 

ceeded  in  having  an  order  issued  that  the  Concord, 
then  fitting  out  at  the  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard  for 
service  on  the  Asiatic  station,  should  transport  as 
much  of  the  supply  as  her  limited  carrying  capacity 
would  permit. 

When  I  reached  San  Francisco  there  was  time 
before  sailing  to  visit  the  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard 
in  order  to  see  in  person  that  the  ammunition  was 
being  put  on  board  the  Concord  and  to  impress  upon 
the  commandant  of  the  yard  the  absolute  necessity 
of  loading  her  with  every  pound  that  could  possibly 
be  carried.  I  pointed  out  that  by  touching  at  Hon- 
olulu en  route  for  supplies  much  valuable  stowage 
room  that  must  otherwise  be  devoted  to  provisions 
and  stores  could  be  given  up  to  ammunition,  while 
certain  stores  which  ordinarily  would  be  shipped 
from  San  Francisco  might  just  as  well  be  procured  on 
arrival  in  Japan.  Commander  Asa  Walker,  of  the 
Concord,  actively  entered  into  the  spirit  of  my  wishes. 

In  consequence  a  small  vessel  of  only  seventeen 
hundred  tons  displacement  was  able  to  carry  about 
one-half  of  the  total  supply,  or  nearly  thirty-five  tons. 
The  remainder  (some  thirty-seven  tons)  was  shipped 
by  the  old  sloop-of-war  Mohican  to  Honolulu,  and 
there  transferred  to  the  cruiser  Baltimore,  when,  with 
the  accelerating  rush  of  events,  it  was  decided,  the 
following  March,  to  send  her  to  reinforce  the  Asi- 
atic Squadron.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  she  reached 
Hong  Kong  only  forty-eight  hours  before  our  ves- 


172  GEORGE  DEWEY 

sels  left  that  port  in  obedience  to  the  Queen's  proc- 
lamation of  neutrality,  and  the  ammunition  was 
transferred  to  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  in 
Mirs  Bay  on  the  day  of  the  declaration  of  war. 

Even  with  the  total  amount  thus  sent,  the  whole 
supply  on  hand  when  the  ships  went  into  action  in 
Manila  Bay  was  inferior  to  the  storage  capacity  of 
their  magazines  and  shell-rooms,  being,  according  to 
the  calculation  of  the  officers  of  the  squadron,  only 
about  sixty  per  cent  of  the  full  capacity.  Authorita- 
tive statements  have  been  made  to  the  effect  that 
the  squadron  was  amply  supplied  with  ammunition. 
It  was  not  even  fully  supplied,  let  alone  having  any 
reserve. 

Therefore,  considering  that  I  was  operating  seven 
thousand  miles  from  the  nearest  United  States  navy 
yard,  and  considering  the  possibility  of  a  prolonged 
engagement  with  the  Spanish  squadron,  such  appre- 
hensions as  I  had  when  we  left  Mirs  Bay  were  not 
confined  entirely  to  the  hazards  of  action.  It  is  not 
for  me  to  criticise  the  department,  but  only  to  state 
a  fact  and  to  repeat  that  there  can  be  no  neglect  so 
inexcusable  as  that  which  sends  any  modern  squadron 
into  battle  not  only  without  its  magazines  and  shell- 
rooms  filled,  but  without  a  large  reserve  of  ammuni- 
tion within  reach.  However,  even  if  we  had  had 
less  ammunition,  we  should  have  gone  into  Manila 
Bay;  for  such  were  our  orders  and  such  was  the 
only  thing  to  do. 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     173 

When  I  was  assigned  to  the  command  the  num- 
ber of  flag-officers  allowed  by  law  was  six  rear-ad- 
mirals and  ten  commodores;  but  in  order  to  give 
our  fleet  commanders  in  foreign  waters  a  position 
commensurate  with  the  dignity  of  the  country  they 
represented,  it  had  been  for  many  years  the  unvary- 
ing custom  that  every  commodore  ordered  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron  should  hold 
the  acting  rank  of  rear-admiral  from  the  moment 
that  his  flag  was  hoisted.  So  long,  indeed,  had  this 
practice  been  followed  that  it  had  come  to  be  re- 
garded as  almost  a  right.  It  was  a  surprising  in- 
novation when  Secretary  Long  informed  me  that  in 
my  case  I  was  to  hoist  the  broad  pennant  of  a  com- 
modore and  not  the  flag  of  a  rear-admiral. 

No  one  could  have  known  better  than  Rear- 
Admiral  Crowninshield,  Secretary  Long's  chief  ad- 
viser, how  subordinate  this  would  make  my  position 
in  all  intercourse  with  the  squadron  commanders 
and  officials  of  other  nations,  and  particularly  in 
case  any  necessity  for  combined  international  action 
should  arise. 

This  was  one  of  those  little  pin-pricking  slights 
which  are  bound  to  be  personally  unpleasant  to  any 
officer  of  long  service.  But,  as  one  of  my  friends 
pointed  out,  by  way  of  a  sentimental  compensation, 
the  only  one  of  my  predecessors  who  had  won  great 
name  by  his  action  in  the  Far  East  also  held  the 
rank  of  commodore.  This  was  Matthew  C.  Perry, 


174  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  masterful  diplomatist  who  opened  up  Japan  to 
civilization  by  mingling  suavity  with  forcefulness  in 
such  a  manner  that  he  is  to-day  almost  as  much  ac- 
claimed in  Japan  as  if  he  were  a  national  hero.  After 
all,  if  Manila  were  won  it  did  not  much  matter 
whether  it  were  won  under  a  commodore's  or  a  rear- 
admiral's  emblem. 

In  the  harbor  of  Nagasaki,  Japan,  on  January  3, 
1898,  I  took  over  the  command  from  Acting  Rear- 
Admiral  F.  B.  McNair,  and  hoisted  my  broad  pen- 
nant on  the  Olympia.  My  staff  was  Lieutenant  T. 
F.  Brumby  as  flag-lieutenant  and  Ensign  H.  H. 
Caldwell  as  flag-secretary,  with  Ensign  F.  B.  Up- 
ham  as  aide.  Brumby  and  Caldwell  had  accom- 
panied me  from  home,  and  both  remained  with  me 
constantly  until  my  return  to  America.  The  squad- 
ron at  that  time  was  hardly  a  formidable  force  for 
war  purposes,  consisting  of  the  cruiser  Olympia  (flag- 
ship), the  Boston  (a  small  cruiser),  the  Petrel  (gun- 
boat), and  the  antiquated  Monocacy,  a  paddle-wheel 
steamer  of  the  Civil  War  period,  fit  only  for  river 
service.  But  the  crews  were  mostly  long-service 
men  and  their  spirit  was  fine. 

A  long  official  letter  transmitting  the  files  and 
records  of  the  command  to  its  new  commander-in- 
chief  was  interesting,  in  that  it  contained  no  hint  of 
the  pregnant  events  then  impending.  The  uneasy 
state  of  affairs  in  Korea,  some  anti-missionary  riots 
in  China,  the  seizure  of  Kiau  Chau  Bay  by  the  Ger- 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     175 

mans  one  month  earlier,  the  attitude  of  the  Japan- 
ese, and  some  minor  international  matters  were  men- 
tioned; but  in  no  manner  was  there  any  forecast 
given  of  the  work  in  which  the  squadron  would  soon 
be  so  vitally  interested. 

The  only  reference  to  the  Philippines  was  a  short 
paragraph,  to  the  effect  that  "for  some  time  the 
newspapers  have  contained  accounts  of  a  rebellion 
in  progress  in  the  Philippines";  but  that  "no  official 
information  has  been  received  in  relation  thereto, 
and  no  information  of  any  sort  that  shows  American 
interests  to  be  affected." 

In  fact,  at  that  time  the  Philippines  were  to  us 
a  terra  incognita.  No  ship  of  our  service  had  been 
there  for  years.  When,  after  my  appointment  as 
commander  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron,  I  sought  in- 
formation on  the  subject  in  Washington,  I  found 
that  the  latest  official  report  relative  to  the  Philip- 
pines on  file  in  the  office  of  naval  intelligence  bore 
the  date  of  1876. 

Mr.  Charles  B.  Harris,  recently  appointed  from 
Indiana,  an  energetic  and  delightful  man,  was  consul 
at  Nagasaki.  I  recollect  that  Mrs.  Harris,  who  was 
a  strong  advocate  of  peace  and  much  interested  in 
missions,  asked  me  why  we  needed  to  maintain  ex- 
pensive men-of-war  and  their  officers  and  men.  I 
laughingly  told  her  that  sometimes  missionaries  found 
their  lives  in  danger  and  asked  for  protection;  again, 
our  country  had  been  known  to  go  to  war  in  the  past 
and  might  in  the  future,  in  which  event  our  squad- 


176  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ron  was  supposed  to  represent  us  against  the  enemy 
on  the  seas.  After  the  battle,  in  answer  to  Mr. 
Harris's  letter  of  congratulation,  I  said  that  I  trusted 
that  Mrs.  Harris  now  knew  why  we  maintained  a 
navy,  to  which  he  cleverly  replied  that  not  only  did 
she  know,  but  so  did  more  than  eighty  million  other 
Americans. 

A  custom  of  each  new  commander-in-chief  of  our 
Asiatic  Squadron  to  ask  for  an  audience  with  the 
Emperor  of  Japan  had  latterly  fallen  into  neglect. 
The  Japanese,  in  view  of  the  part  that  Commodore 
Perry  had  played,  had  remarked  an  omission  which 
so  proud  and  so  sensitive  a  court  would  be  the  last 
to  overlook.  It  seemed  to  me  important  to  observe 
this  and  every  other  amenity  which  in  any  degree 
would  tend  to  retain  the  good-will  of  a  friendly  na- 
tion. Therefore,  I  requested  the  audience  without 
delay  and  proceeded  to  Yokohama,  where  I  expected 
the  Concord  at  an  early  date  with  her  precious  cargo 
of  ammunition. 

Accompanied  by  my  personal  and  fleet  staff  I 
was  received  first  by  the  Emperor  and  afterward  by 
the  Empress.  These  receptions,  which  were  very 
cordial,  had  little  of  an  oriental  character.  If  we 
except  the  surroundings,  the  decorations  of  the  pal- 
ace, and  the  costumes  and  occasional  genuflections  of 
the  servants,  the  scene  might  as  well  have  been  laid 
at  the  court  of  Berlin,  St.  Petersburg,  or  any  Eu- 
ropean capital  as  in  that  of  Tokio.  His  Majesty 
was  in  military  dress  in  the  midst  of  a  brilliant  suite 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     177 

of  aids,  court  chamberlains,  and  other  court  func- 
tionaries in  occidental  uniforms,  while  the  Empress 
was  in  a  Parisian  costume  and  attended  by  a  single 
maid  of  honor,  who  served  as  interpreter. 

Both  their  Majesties  spoke  in  Japanese.  But 
while  the  Emperor's  interpreter  translated  his  re- 
marks in  an  ordinary  tone  of  voice,  the  Empress's 
interpreter  never  addressed  her  above  a  whisper. 
What  a  contrast  was  my  reception  to  that  of  the 
other  American  commodore  who  had  cast  anchor  in 
the  Gulf  of  Yeddo  forty-four  years  previously !  One 
commodore  was  regarded  with  an  apprehensive  con- 
sternation, only  rivalled  in  degree  by  the  cataclysmic 
changes  in  beliefs,  customs,  and  policy  of  which  he 
was  the  precursor;  while  the  other  was  welcomed  with 
all  the  amenities  of  modern  times.  The  one,  after 
vexatious  delays,  was  allowed  to  meet  the  represent- 
atives of  an  invisible  and  impotent  Mikado;  while 
the  other  was  openly  received  by  a  constitutional 
monarch.  The  one  landed  in  a  country  secluded  in 
insular  oriental  isolation,  while  the  other  debarked 
in  a  thriving  port  open  to  the  commerce  of  the  world, 
from  which  he  travelled  to  Tokio  by  rail.  Of  all 
the  changes  which  the  world  has  seen  in  the  last 
century,  none  has  been  so  phenomenal  as  that  so 
splendidly  accomplished  by  Japan  since  the  memo- 
rable visit  of  Commodore  Perry. 

This  audience  with  the  Emperor  established  pleas- 
ant relations  with  the  court  and  many  Japanese  offi- 


178  GEORGE  DEWEY 

cials,  while  the  good-will  of  the  Japanese  government 
was  shown  by  the  discretion  and  courtesy  of  the 
Japanese  Navy,  which  was  always  represented  by  one 
or  more  vessels  in  Manila  Bay  during  the  tedious 
and  trying  days  of  the  blockade  in  the  interval  be- 
tween the  annihilation  of  the  Spanish  squadron  and 
the  occupation  of  the  city  by  our  troops. 

The  Concord  arrived  in  Yokohama  on  February 
9.  On  the  loth  she  transferred  her  ammunition, 
and  on  the  nth  the  Olympia  sailed  for  Hong  Kong, 
to  which  port  the  Petrel  had  already  been  ordered. 
My  decision  to  take  the  squadron  to  Hong  Kong  was 
entirely  on  my  own  initiative,  without  any  hint  what- 
soever from  the  department  that  hostilities  might 
be  expected.  It  was  evident  that  in  case  of  emer- 
gency Hong  Kong  was  the  most  advantageous  posi- 
tion from  which  to  move  to  the  attack. 

The  news  of  the  Maine  disaster,  which  occurred 
February  15  (February  16  in  the  eastern  hemi- 
sphere), was  known  in  Hong  Kong  when  the  Olym- 
pia arrived  there  on  February  17.  But  official 
notification  did  not  reach  the  flag-ship  until  the 
following  day.  Its  wording  shows  how  carefully  our 
government  was  moving  in  a  moment  of  such  in- 
tense excitement: 

"DEWEY,  Hong  Kong: 

"Maine  destroyed  at  Havana  February  I5th  by  accident. 
The  President  directs  all  colors  to  be  half  masted  until  further 
orders.  Inform  vessels  under  your  command  by  telegraph. 

"LONG." 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC   SQUADRON     179 

Though  President  McKinley  was  still  confident 
that  war  could  be  averted,  active  naval  measures 
had  already  begun,  so  far  as  navy-yard  work  upon 
ships  and  initial  inquiries  with  regard  to  the  pur- 
chase of  war  material  were  concerned.  But  the  first 
real  step  was  taken  on  February  25,  when  telegraphic 
instructions  were  sent  to  the  Asiatic,  European,  and 
South  Atlantic  Squadrons  to  rendezvous  at  certain 
convenient  points  where,  should  war  break  out,  they 
would  be  most  available. 

The  message  to  the  Asiatic  Squadron  bore  the 
signature  of  that  assistant  secretary  who  had  seized 
the  opportunity,  while  acting  secretary,  to  hasten 
preparations  for  a  conflict  which  was  inevitable.  As 
Mr.  Roosevelt  reasoned,  precautions  would  cost  little 
in  time  of  peace  and  would  be  invaluable  in  case  of 
war.  His  cablegram  was  as  follows: 

"WASHINGTON,  February  25,  '98. 
"DEWEY,  Hong  Kong: 

"Order  the  squadron  except  the  Monocacy  to  Hong  Kong. 
Keep  full  of  coal.  In  the  event  of  declaration  of  war  Spain, 
your  duty  will  be  to  see  that  the  Spanish  Squadron  does  not 
leave  the  Asiatic  coast,  and  then  offensive  operations  in  Phil- 
ippine Islands.  Keep  Olympia  until  further  orders. 

"ROOSEVELT." 

(The  reference  to  keeping  the  Olympia  until  fur- 
ther orders  was  due  to  the  fact  that  I  had  been  noti- 
fied that  she  would  soon  be  recalled  to  the  United 
States.) 

I  despatched  a  cablegram  to  expedite  the  arrival 


i8o  GEORGE  DEWEY 

of  the  Boston  and  the  Concord  and  one  to  the  United 
States  consul  at  Manila,  in  which  I  asked  him  for 
information  concerning  the  fortifications,  submarine 
mines,  and  general  defences  of  Manila  Bay,  and  to 
keep  a  close  watch  upon  the  movements  of  the 
Spanish  squadron.  Meanwhile,  with  my  staff,  I 
went  into  exhaustive  consideration  of  the  grave  ques- 
tion of  a  supply  of  coal,  provisions,  and  other  neces- 
saries for  a  squadron  seven  thousand  miles  distant 
from  any  home  base,  which  would  result  from  a  proc- 
lamation of  neutrality  by  the  various  governments. 
Although  no  instructions  to  such  effect  had  been 
received  from  the  department,  discreet  negotiations 
for  the  purchase  of  supply  steamers  with  full  cargoes 
of  coal  were  initiated. 

The  Boston  and  the  Concord  soon  arrived,  as  did 
also  the  Raleigh,  sent  as  a  reinforcement  from  the 
Mediterranean;  while  the  antiquated  Monocacy  was 
laid  up  at  Shanghai  and  a  part  of  her  officers  and 
crew  were  transferred  to  the  ships  at  Hong  Kong. 
These  vessels  were  now  carefully  overhauled  and 
docked,  kept  constantly  full  of  coal  and  provisions, 
their  men  thoroughly  drilled,  machinery  put  in  prime 
condition  ready  for  moving  at  a  moment's  notice,  and 
preparations  to  land  superfluous  material  and  wood- 
work perfected,  while  I  aimed  to  take  every  care  in 
the  inspection  of  ships  and  crews  and  to  use  all  the 
knowledge  of  my  experience  to  improve ,  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  whole  for  battle. 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     181 

Aside  from  the  crisis  of  our  relations  with  Spain, 
it  was  a  critical  period  in  international  relations  in 
the  Far  East.  Germany,  in  forwarding  her  ambi- 
tions for  colonial  expansion,  had  just  taken  Kiau 
Chau  as  a  punitive  measure  for  the  killing  of  mis- 
sionaries, thus  bringing  the  province  of  Shantung 
under  the  sphere  of  her  influence.  England,  which 
had  occupied  Wei-hai-wei,  was  looking  askance  at 
Russia,  who  was  fortifying  herself  at  Port  Arthur. 
The  dismemberment  of  China  seemed  imminent  to 
many  observers.  Hong  Kong  harbor  was  crowded 
with  men-of-war;  there  was  a  feeling  of  restlessness 
and  uncertainty  in  the  air. 

A  feature  of  the  imperial  German  policy  at  this 
time  was  the  Kaiser's  sending  of  his  brother  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia  to  the  Far  East,  flying  his  flag  as 
a  rear-admiral  and  second  in  command  of  the  Ger- 
man squadron.  The  prince  arrived  at  Hong  Kong 
on  March  8.  He  was  then  under  forty  years  of  age, 
vigorous,  a  charming  companion,  and  a  thorough 
sailor  who  had  really  worked  up  through  all  the 
grades  from  midshipman  to  rear-admiral.  Although 
brought  up  in  the  strict  forms  of  court  etiquette,  he 
was  delighted  to  cut  adrift  from  conventionalism 
whenever  circumstances  would  permit. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  German  squadron  a 
curious  international  question  arose.  Some  of  the 
German  seamen  came  on  board  the  Olympia  to  pay 
a  friendly  visit  to  members  of  our  crew.  Among 


1 82  GEORGE  DEWEY 

them  was  a  seaman  of  the  cruiser  Gefion,  who  was 
recognized  by  the  officer  of  the  deck  and  by  others 
of  our  personnel  as  a  deserter  from  one  of  our  own 
ships.  As  he  wore  the  German  uniform  and  belonged 
to  the  crew  of  a  German  man-of-war,  he  could  not 
well  be  arrested.  But  when  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
deserter  had  been  proved  indisputably  he  was  or- 
dered to  leave  the  ship.  A  correspondence  with  the 
German  rear-admiral  ensued,  in  which  our  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  the  deserter  was  met  by  the  as- 
sertion that  he  was  a  German  subject  and  a  seaman 
in  the  German  Navy,  and  in  neither  capacity  would 
he  be  given  up. 

Owing  to  the  presence  of  a  European  royal  prince, 
which  was  rare  in  the  Far  East,  there  was  much 
entertaining  by  the  officials  of  the  British  crown 
colony  of  Hong  Kong  and  much  interchange  of  hospi- 
talities among  the  ships.  Among  the  numerous 
dinners  was  one  given  by  Prince  Henry  on  board  of 
his  flag-ship,  the  Deutschland,  when  the  acting  gov- 
ernor, Major-General  W.  Black,  the  commandant  of 
the  British  naval  station  at  Hong  Kong,  the  com- 
modore of  the  American  squadron,  and  the  captains 
of  several  British,  American,  and  Russian  men-of- 
war  were  the  principal  guests. 

As  is  customary  on  such  occasions,  toward  the 
end  of  the  dinner  Prince  Henry  proposed,  in  succes- 
sion, the  health  of  the  heads  of  the  various  nationali- 
ties represented,  the  toasts  being  drunk  standing  and 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC   SQUADRON     183 

the  Deutschland's  band  at  the  same  moment  playing 
the  appropriate  national  air.  The  usual  procedure 
is  that,  after  a  toast  to  his  own  sovereign,  the  host 
proposes,  in  turn,  the  health  of  the  ruler  or  chief  mag- 
istrate of  each  country  represented  at  the  table, 
these  toasts  being  given  in  the  order  of  rank  of  the 
senior  officer  present. 

In  this  case  the  first  toast  was  naturally  one  to 
the  health  of  the  German  Emperor,  then  one  to  the 
Queen  of  England;  and  though  the  next  should  have 
been  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  because 
we  had  a  squadron  commander  present,  Prince  Henry 
made  it  to  the  Czar  of  Russia,  represented  by  a 
captain,  and  placed  the  President  of  the  United 
States  at  the  end  of  the  list.  With  the  toast  to  the 
President  the  band  played  "Hail,  Columbia." 

For  many  years  in  our  service  confusion  existed 
as  to  the  identity  of  the  national  air  of  the  United 
States.  This  was  due  to  the  assignment  by  navy 
regulations  of  one  air,  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner," 
to  be  played  at  morning  colors,  and  another,  "Hail, 
Columbia,"  at  evening  colors.  Characteristic  in- 
stances of  the  embarrassment,  in  the  exchange  of 
international  courtesies,  which  naturally  resulted 
from  this  circumstance  had  frequently  come  to  my 
notice.  Now,  as  the  guests  were  reseating  themselves 
after  this  toast,  I  reminded  the  prince  that  "Hail, 
Columbia,"  was  not  our  national  air. 

"What  is  it?"  his  Highness  asked. 


1 84  GEORGE  DEWEY 

"The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  I  told  him;  and 
added  that  I  should  be  happy  to  send  him  a  copy. 
I  despatched  one  the  same  night,  and  it  was  played 
by  the  DeutschlancT s  band  at  colors  the  very  next 
morning. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  some  years  later  to  be 
instrumental  in  permanently  eliminating  all  confu- 
sion to  officers  on  this  subject.  Through  a  personal 
appeal  to  President  Roosevelt  I  had  an  order,  dated 
April  22,  1904,  issued  by  the  then  acting  secretary 
of  the  navy,  Charles  H.  Darling,  directing  that 
thereafter  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  should  be 
played  at  both  morning  and  evening  colors,  and 
should  be  regarded,  for  the  purposes  of  the  navy,  as 
the  national  air.  Subsequently  it  was  adopted  both 
in  the  army  and  the  navy  regulations. 

The  relegation  of  the  President  by  Prince  Henry 
to  the  last  toast  was  not  a  thing  to  be  considered  as 
a  personal  matter,  but  as  one  affecting  the  nation 
and  its  head,  whom  I  represented,  and  also  as  ex- 
pressive of  an  attitude  not  altogether  uncommon  at 
that  time  with  some  European  powers.  This  atti- 
tude I  felt  I  could  not  overlook.  Therefore  the 
American  officers  were  conspicuous  by  their  absence 
thereafter  at  entertainments  given  at  Hong  Kong  in 
Prince  Henry's  honor,  until  at  one  of  them  the  prince 
remarked  that  no  Americans  were  present,  and  asked 
his  hostess  the  cause. 

"It  is  one  that  your  Royal  Highness  should  be 


COMMAND  OF  ASIATIC  SQUADRON     185 

aware  of,"  she  replied.  When  he  pleaded  ignorance 
she  told  him  the  reason  why  I  had  taken  offence. 

The  next  morning,  unattended  and  in  citizen's 
clothes,  he  came  on  board  the  Olympia  to  call,  and 
with  fine  candor  expressed  his  regret  for  an  error 
in  which  there  had  been  no  intentional  slight  and 
which  was  due  to  his  lack  of  experience  in  such  mat- 
ters. After  that  we  saw  a  great  deal  of  each  other, 
and  neither  of  us  hesitated  to  express  our  convic- 
tions freely  in  our  talks.  Upon  one  occasion,  in  dis- 
cussing the  possible  outcome  of  our  complications 
with  Spain,  Prince  Henry  remarked  that  he  did  not 
believe  that  the  powers  would  ever  allow  the  United 
States  to  annex  Cuba. 

"We  do  not  wish  to  annex  Cuba,  your  Highness," 
I  answered,  "but  we  cannot  suffer  the  horrible  con- 
dition of  affairs  which  exists  at  present  in  that  island 
at  our  very  doors  to  continue,  and  we  are  bound  to 
put  a  stop  to  it." 

"And  what  are  you  after ?  What  does  your  coun- 
try want?"  the  prince  asked  jokingly  on  another 
occasion,  in  referring  to  the  general  scramble  for  a 
foothold  in  the  Far  East. 

"Oh,  we  need  only  a  bay,"  I  said  jokingly  in 
return,  having  in  mind  that  this  was  all  the  Germans 
said  that  they  wanted  at  Kiau  Chau.  It  did  not 
then  occur  to  me  that  we  should  be  taking  Manila 
Bay  permanently. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
FINAL  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR 

MR.  O.  F.  WILLIAMS,  our  consul  at  Manila,  dili- 
gently responded  to  my  request  for  information,  and 
remained  at  his  post  in  spite  of  threats  and  warn- 
ings that  his  life  was  in  danger.  Indeed,  he  did  not 
obey  when  he  had  been  three  times  cabled  by  his 
government  to  leave,  and  when  he  had  been  noti- 
fied by  the  Governor-General  of  the  Philippines  that 
his  safety  could  no  longer  be  assured,  as  a  mob  or 
an  assassin  might  kill  him  at  any  hour.  Only  upon 
receiving  a  peremptory  request  from  me  did  he 
finally  withdraw  from  his  post  and  start  for  Hong 
Kong  on  April  2jd. 

The  information  which  we  had  received  from  him, 
while  naturally  not  technical,  was  highly  valuable. 
Through  him  we  learned  of  the  mounting  of  six  new 
guns  on  Corregidor,  at  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay, 
of  the  number  of  men-of-war  and  other  vessels  in 
the  bay,  of  feverish  activity  upon  the  fortifications, 
and  the  state  of  the  struggle  of  the  Spanish  with  the 
insurgents.  His  copious  cables  and  letters  included 
all  the  extravagant  rumors  rife  in  the  streets  of  the 
city.  There  was  a  persistent  one  of  the  imminent 

1 86 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS    FOR  WAR    187 

attack  by  the  American  squadron,  another  of  the 
coalition  of  all  Europe  against  the  United  States, 
and  still  another  that  our  government  was  beseech- 
ing the  Pope  to  intercede  and  save  us  from  destruc- 
tion by  the  army  and  navy  of  Spain,  and  this  last 
was  deemed  so  authentic  that  it  was  ordered  to  be 
publicly  proclaimed  in  all  the  Philippine  churches. 

In  the  midst  of  such  canards,  which  received  cre- 
dence on  all  sides,  the  poor  consul  was  at  times  much 
bewildered.  However,  we  found  that  we  had  under- 
estimated the  resources  of  the  defence.  The  number 
of  vessels  at  Cavite  was  incorrect,  and  no  report  had 
been  made  of  the  twenty-odd  small  gun-boats  in 
Philippine  waters  which  by  initiative  and  daring 
might  have  been  utilized  to  make  the  entering  of 
Manila  Bay  a  hazardous  undertaking.  Moreover, 
there  had  been  no  proper  enumeration  of  the  shore 
batteries  with  their  seventeen  heavy  rifled  guns  at 
the  mouth  of  the  bay  and  forty  other  guns  mounted 
in  the  Manila  and  Cavite  fortifications. 

On  March  n,  in  cabling  to  Washington  a  re- 
quest that  the  two  vital  essentials,  ammunition  and 
coal,  should  be  sent  from  San  Francisco,  I  had  stated 
that  all  the  good  coal  in  the  market  had  been  pur- 
chased by  other  governments,  and  it  was  important 
to  provide  for  a  fresh  supply.  In  answer,  Secretary 
Long  authorized  me  to  contract  for  the  delivery  of 
five  thousand  tons  direct  from  England,  if  necessary; 
but  it  was  not  until  I  made  another  inquiry  by  cable, 


i88  GEORGE  DEWEY 

on  March  21,  that  I  received  any  news  as  to  a  fur- 
ther supply  of  ammunition.  Now  I  learned  officially 
for  the  first  time  that  the  Baltimore  would  reinforce 
my  squadron,  bringing  the  ammunition  which  was 
at  Honolulu;  and  on  April  3  came  the  definite  word 
that  she  had  left  Honolulu  for  Hong  Kong.  The 
Baltimore  was  a  most  welcome  addition  to  my  force, 
though  without  her  I  had  been  quite  ready  to  enter 
Manila  Bay. 

Meanwhile,  the  coal  which  had  been  contracted 
for  was  on  its  way  from  Cardiff  in  the  steamer  Nan- 
shan.  On  April  4  I  sent  a  cable  to  the  department 
suggesting  that  the  Nanshan  should  be  purchased 
before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities.  This  idea  had 
occurred  to  the  department  at  the  same  time,  and 
its  cable  on  the  subject  crossed  my  own.  It  also 
authorized  the  purchase  of  another  supply  vessel 
and  placed  at  my  service  the  revenue-cutter  McCul- 
loch,  which,  fortunately,  happened  to  be  at  Singa- 
pore, en  route  to  San  Francisco.  By  this  time  our 
government  was  losing  its  confidence  in  maintaining 
peace,  for  in  his  cable  of  April  5  Secretary  Long  had 
said:  "War  may  be  declared.  Condition  very  crit- 
ical." 

Much  credit  is  due  to  Pay-Inspector  D.  A.  Smith, 
who  had  charge  of  securing  supplies  and  arranging 
the  contracts  for  coal.  His  energy,  tact,  and  busi- 
ness qualifications  not  only  provided  for  the  present 
exigencies,  but  made  ample  preparation  for  future 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS   FOR  WAR    189 

supplies  which  might  be  obtained  in  spite  of  the  in- 
ternational limitation  on  purchases  once  war  was 
begun.  Assistance  which  would  be  dependent  en- 
tirely on  the  friendship  and  attitude  of  the  British 
government  was  not  sufficient  surety  for  a  squadron 
seven  thousand  miles  from  home.  In  Chinese  ports 
we  might  have  a  freedom  that  we  could  not  have  in 
the  crown  colony  of  Hong  Kong,  which  was  under 
the  rule  of  a  great,  responsible  European  nation, 
which  would  immediately  be  held  accountable  by 
Spain  if  any  leniency  in  enforcing  the  laws  of  neu- 
trality should  favor  the  United  States. 

Accordingly,  the  commander  of  the  old  Monoc- 
acy,  stationed  at  Shanghai,  was  set  secretly  to  work. 
Through  the  medium  of  an  efficient  Chinese  compra- 
dor this  officer  soon  perfected  arrangements  for  an 
immediate  or  a  future  supply  of  coal  or  provisions, 
independent  of  international  complications.  An  iso- 
lated locality  for  receiving  these  supplies,  and  for 
making  temporary  repairs,  if  necessary,  to  any  ship 
of  the  squadron  injured  in  battle,  was  selected.  In 
a  critical  article  on  the  Spanish  War  so  able  a  strate- 
gist as  Admiral  Luce  said: 

"The  defeat  of  the  American  Squadron  at  Manila  Bay, 
May  ist,  1898,  would  have  been  a  disaster  the  extent  of  which 
it  would  be  difficult  to  compute.  Failure  to  gain  a  decisive 
victory  even  would  have  been  almost  as  bad  as  actual  defeat, 
for  the  American  commander  had  actually  no  base  to  fall  back 
upon,  no  point  d'appui.  The  risks  taken  were  enormous  but 
fully  justified  by  the  event." 


190  GEORGE  DEWEY 

His  conclusion  was  only  natural,  from  the  infor- 
mation he  had  at  hand,  because  I  had  not  commu- 
nicated to  the  department  our  arrangements,  which 
were  quite  obvious  precautions  to  us  who  were  on 
the  spot.  We  appreciated  that  so  loosely  organized 
a  national  entity  as  the  Chinese  Empire  could  not 
enforce  the  neutrality  laws. 

In  this  connection  I  received  rather  a  surprising 
cable  on  April  2  from  Secretary  Long.  He  reminded 
me  of  the  well-known  international  law,  that  after 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities  further  supplies  and  coal 
could  not  be  obtained  at  the  neutral  ports,  except 
to  enable  me  to  proceed  home.  He  concluded  as 
follows:  "Only  the  Japanese  ports  are  available  as 
storehouse.  Should  advise  storehouse  at  Nagasaki, 
Japan,  for  the  base  of  supplies  or  supply  steamer  to 
accompany  the  squadron." 

If  any  nation  in  the  world  would  be  scrupulous 
in  the  enforcement  of  every  detail  of  neutrality  it 
would  be  Japan.  It  hardly  seemed  possible  that  we 
could  have  made  some  secret  diplomatic  arrange- 
ment with  her  of  which  I  had  not  been  fully  advised. 
Indeed,  such  an  arrangement  was  a  little  too  good 
to  be  true  to  any  one  who  knew  the  Far  East. 

In  order  to  be  sure  of  my  ground,  I  sent  this  cable 
to  the  American  minister  to  Japan:  "Am  informed, 
in  case  of  war  with  Spain,  Japanese  ports  can  be 
used  by  this  squadron  as  base  for  supplies  and  coal, 
Is  this  correct?"  Minister  Buck  sent  the  following 


FINAL   PREPARATIONS   FOR  WAR    191 

in  return:  "Ports  cannot  be  used  as  base  for  sup- 
plies and  coal.  Ships  homeward  bound  could  get 
them.  Japan  would  concede  nothing  beyond  strict 
neutrality." 

If  I  had  acted  on  the  secretary's  advice,  not  only 
should  we  have  given  a  sensitive  nation  offence,  but 
our  squadron  might  have  suffered  a  good  deal  of  in- 
convenience. Having  Minister  Buck's  cable,  I  knew 
that  we  were  right  in  thinking  that  there  was  no  de- 
pendence for  a  base  except  on  Chinese  ports.  In 
answer  to  the  first  inquiry  made  of  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  Monocacy  at  Shanghai  he  said  that  he 
could  obtain  the  supplies,  but  that  there  would  be 
international  complications  in  time  of  war.  I  told 
him  that  international  complications,  where  the 
China  of  that  day  was  concerned,  were  a  secondary 
consideration  and  to  go  ahead. 

In  accordance  with  the  department's  consent  I 
bought  the  steamer  Zafiro  as  a  supply  ship,  but  I 
did  not  comply  with  the  department's  suggestion  to 
man  and  arm  the  Zafiro  and  the  Nanshan.  This 
would  have  given  them  the  status  of  American  naval 
vessels  and  therefore  made  them  subject  to  the 
restrictions  of  neutrality  laws,  not  to  mention  that 
they  could  have  been  made  of  no  real  value  as  fight- 
ing units.  We  registered  them  as  American  mer- 
chant-steamers, and  by  clearing  them  for  Guam, 
then  almost  a  mythical  country,  we  had  a  free  hand 
in  sending  them  to  English,  Japanese,  or  Chinese 


192  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ports  to  get  any  supplies  we  might  need  on  the  way 
to  Guam.  Their  English  crews,  including  the  offi- 
cers, with  the  spirit  of  true  seamen,  agreed  not  only 
to  stand  by  their  ships,  but  welcomed  the  prospect 
of  an  adventurous  cruise.  In  order  to  have  some 
one  aboard  who  understood  naval  tactics  and  signals, 
an  officer  and  four  men  from  the  squadron  were  de- 
tailed for  each  vessel. 

Now,  with  all  preparations  complete,  we  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  Baltimore.  Had  the  morale  of  the 
squadron  for  the  next  two  weeks  not  been  of  the 
highest  standard,  it  might  have  been  affected  by  the 
reiterated  statements  of  the  Hong  Kong  papers  that 
the  strength  of  the  forts  at  Manila  and  the  extent 
of  the  mine  fields  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay  in  con- 
nection with  the  strength  of  the  Spanish  naval  forces 
made  Manila  quite  impregnable.  The  prevailing 
impression  among  even  the  military  class  in  the 
colony  was  that  our  squadron  was  going  to  certain 
destruction. 

In  the  Hong  Kong  Club  it  was  not  possible  to 
get  bets,  even  at  heavy  odds,  that  our  expedition 
would  be  a  success,  and  this  in  spite  of  a  friendly 
predilection  among  the  British  in  our  favor.  I  was 
told,  after  our  officers  had  been  entertained  at  dinner 
by  a  British  regiment,  that  the  universal  remark 
among  our  hosts  was  to  this  effect:  "A  fine  set  of 
fellows,  but  unhappily  we  shall  nevelr  see  them 
again." 


FINAL  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR    193 

Every  day  of  our  last  week  at  Hong  Kong  brought 
some  new  development.  On  the  iyth  the  McCul- 
loch  arrived;  on  the  I9th  the  ships  were  painted 
war  color;  on  the  2ist  Washington  cabled  that  war 
had  not  yet  been  declared,  but  might  be  at  any  mo- 
ment; on  the  22d  we  were  delighted  by  the  sight  of 
the  Baltimore  steaming  into  the  harbor;  and  on  the 
23d  I  received  a  letter  from  the  acting  Governor  of 
Hong  Kong,  Major-General  Black,  enclosing  an  of- 
ficial promulgation  of  the  war  neutrality  proclama- 
tion, and  requesting  that  our  squadron  should  leave 
the  harbor  not  later  than  4  p.  M.,  April  25. 

We  had  arranged  to  have  a  dock  empty  and 
ready  to  receive  the  Baltimore  immediately  she  ar- 
rived, and  the  vitally  important  work  of  cleaning 
and  painting  her  under-water  body  was  accomplished 
before  the  expiration  of  the  time  limit  set  by  the 
governor.  As  a  passenger  on  an  incoming  Pacific 
Mail  steamer  came  Commander  B.  P.  Lamberton, 
who  had  been  detailed  by  the  department  to  com- 
mand the  Boston.  But  Captain  Frank  Wildes,  of 
the  Boston,  was  not  the  sort  to  give  up  his  com- 
mand on  the  eve  of  an  engagement  without  a  protest. 

The  matter  was  easily  arranged  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  both  by  having  Lamberton  take  up  his  duties 
on  the  flag-ship  as  my  chief  of  staff.  Thus  I  secured 
the  aid  of  a  most  active  and  accomplished  officer  at  a 
time  when  there  was  positive  need  of  his  services ;  but 
not  until  later  did  I  realize  how  much  I  owed  to  the 


194  GEORGE  DEWEY 

sympathetic  companionship  of  Lamberton's  sunny, 
hopeful,  and  tactful  disposition. 

For  other  reasons  Lamberton's  arrival  was  most 
fortunate.  Both  of  the  senior  officers  of  the  flag-ship 
Olympia  were  so  out  of  health  as  to  be  barely  fit  for 
routine  duty,  while  neither  was  equal  to  undergoing 
the  fatigue  of  an  active  campaign.  The  executive 
officer  was  therefore  invalided  home  and  his  place 
taken  by  Lieutenant  C.  P.  Rees,  of  the  Monocacy. 
Ill  as  he  was,  it  was  not  in  my  heart  to  refuse  the 
request  of  gallant  Captain  Gridley  to  remain  in  com- 
mand. In  a  month  after  the  victory  he,  too,  was 
invalided  home  and  died  in  Japan  on  the  way. 

Since  April  15  repeated  cables  to  Consul  Williams 
at  Manila  advised  him  to  come  to  Hong  Kong.  But 
it  was  not  until  the  23d  that  the  British  consul  at 
Manila  wired  me  that  Williams  had  safely  started 
on  the  Esmeralda.  It  was  this  news  that  led  me  to 
cable  to  Washington  that  I  should  go  to  Mirs  Bay 
to  await  his  arrival.  On  the  24th  the  Boston,  Con- 
cord, Petrel,  McCulloch,  the  collier  Nanshan,  and  the 
supply  ship  Zafiro  left  Hong  Kong  for  this  anchor- 
age, which  was  some  thirty  miles  away.  The  next 
day,  Monday,  April  25,  the  Olympia,  Raleigh,  and 
Baltimore  followed.  The  Raleigh  was  crawling  under 
one  engine  in  consequence  of  a  break-down  in  a  cir- 
culating pump.  This  was  repaired  that  night  at  the 
Kowloon  dock-yard,  opposite  Hong  Kong,  and  was 
promptly  on  board  the  ship  the  next  morning. 


FINAL   PREPARATIONS   FOR   WAR    195 

The  ammunition  brought  by  the  Baltimore  was 
distributed  among  the  ships,  which  were  thoroughly 
cleared  for  action.  The  crews  were  exercised  again 
at  sub-calibre  target  practice  and  battle  quarters, 
and  the  squadron  finally  put  upon  a  war  footing 
with  regard  to  armed  watches,  suppression  of  night- 
lights,  and  other  details.  Meanwhile,  we  kept  up 
communication  with  Hong  Kong  by  means  of  a  tug 
chartered  for  the  purpose,  and  Flag-Secretary  Cald- 
well  remained  in  the  city  until  the  squadron  left 
Mirs  Bay  to  keep  in  telegraphic  touch  with  Wash- 
ington. Meanwhile,  Mr.  J.  L.  Stickney,  a  graduate 
of  Annapolis,  who  had  resigned  from  the  service  to 
enter  journalism,  had  appeared  and  asked  permis- 
sion to  come  on  board  for  the  battle.  As  the  Olym- 
pia  was  short-handed  for  junior  officers  I  decided  to 
make  him  my  volunteer  aide,  while  Caldwell  was  as- 
signed to  the  guns. 

At  12.15  p-  M->  on  tne  2$th,  came  this  cable  from 
Secretary  Long: 

"War  has  commenced  between  the  United  States  and  Spain. 
Proceed  at  once  to  Philippine  Islands.  Commence  operations 
particularly  against  the  Spanish  fleet.  You  must  capture 
vessels  or  destroy.  Use  utmost  endeavor." 

We  were  ready  to  obey.  But  Consul  Williams, 
who  had  so  persistently  delayed  in  spite  of  my  re- 
quests, had  not  yet  arrived,  and,  knowing  that  he 
was  due  within  two  days,  I  determined  to  wait  for 
him,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  bring  some  later  in- 


196  GEORGE  DEWEY 

formation  concerning  the  defences.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  27th  the  little  tug  Fame  was  sighted  in 
the  distance,  with  him  on  board  and  bringing  impor- 
tant news,  as  we  shall  see  later.  The  commanding 
officers  of  the  squadron  were  directed  to  assemble 
on  the  flag-ship  for  a  general  conference  in  relation 
to  the  latest  details  which  he  had  brought.  Mean- 
while, signal  was  given  to  prepare  for  getting  under 
way,  fires  were  spread,  and  at  2  p.  M.,  after  the 
consul  had  gone  on  board  the  Baltimore  and  the  cap- 
tains returned  to  their  ships,  the  squadron  was  in 
motion.  We  proceeded  in  two  columns,  the  fight- 
ing ships  forming  one  column,  and  the  auxiliary  ves- 
sels another  twelve  hundred  yards  in  the  rear;  and 
with  a  smooth  sea  and  favoring  sky  we  set  our  course 
for  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay,  six  hundred  miles 
away. 


CHAPTER  XV 
THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY 

MANILA  BAY  is  a  spacious  body  of  water  open- 
ing out  from  a  narrow  entrance  between  high  head- 
lands and  expanding  toward  a  low-lying  country  until 
it  has  a  navigable  breadth  of  over  twenty  miles.  On 
either  side  of  the  inlet  are  high  volcanic  peaks  densely 
covered  with  tropical  foliage,  while  in  the  passage 
itself  lie  several  islands.  The  principal  islands,  Cor- 
regidor  and  Caballo,  divide  this  entrance  into  two 
channels,  known  as  Boca  Grande,  the  great  mouth, 
and  Boca  Chica,  the  little  mouth. 

Boca  Chica  has  a  width  of  two  miles,  while  Boca 
Grande  would  have  double  this  if  it  were  not  for  the 
small  island  of  El  Fraile.  This;  being  some  distance 
off  the  main-land,  practically  reduces  the  breadth  of 
Boca  Grande  to  about  three  miles.  Corregidor  and 
Caballo  are  high  and  rocky,  effectually  commanding 
both  entrances,  while  El  Fraile,  though  smaller,  is 
large  enough  to  be  well  fortified  and  to  aid  in  the 
defence  of  the  broader  channel. 

No  doubt  the  position  is  a  strong  one  for  defen- 
sive batteries,  but  the  Spaniards,  in  keeping  with 
their  weakness  for  procrastination,  had  delayed  for- 
tifying the  three  islands  until  war  appeared  inevi- 
197 


i98  GEORGE  DEWEY 

table.  Then  they  succeeded  in  mounting  sufficient 
guns  to  have  given  our  squadron  a  very  unpleasant 
quarter  of  an  hour  before  it  met  the  Spanish  squad- 
ron, provided  the  gunners  had  been  enterprising  and 
watchful. 

Examination  of  these  batteries  after  their  surren- 
der on  May  2  showed  that  there  were  three  5.9-inch 
breech-loading  rifles  on  Caballo  Island,  three  4.7- 
inch  breech-loading  rifles  on  El  Fraile  rock,  and  three 
6.3-inch  muzzle-loading  rifles  at  Punta  Restinga, 
commanding  the  Boca  Grande  entrance,  which  our 
squadron  was  to  use;  three  8-inch  muzzle-loading 
rifles  on  Corregidor,  three  y-inch  muzzle-loading 
rifles  at  Punta  Gorda,  and  two  6.3-inch  breech- 
loading  rifles  at  Punta  Lasisi,  commanding  the  Boca 
Chica  entrance.  The  complement  manning  these 
batteries,  as  given  by  the  official  papers  found  in  the 
commandant's  office  at  Cavite  Arsenal,  was  thirteen 
officers  and  two  hundred  and  forty-six  men.  While 
the  muzzle-loaders  were  relatively  unimportant,  the 
six  modern  rifles  commanding  the  Boca  Grande,  at 
a  range  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  if  accurately  served, 
could  deliver  a  telling  fire. 

A  cable  received  from  our  consul-general  at  Singa- 
pore the  day  before  we  left  Mirs  Bay  stated  that  the 
Boca  Grande  channel  had  been  mined.  His  infor- 
mation was  from  the  steamer  Isla  de  Panay,  which 
had  just  arrived  at  Singapore  from  Manila.  This 
agreed  with  the  accounts  of  Consul  Williams,  and 


TRACK    OF    COMMODORE    DEWEY'S    SQUADRON    DURING    THE    BATTLE 
OF    MANILA    BAY 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA   BAY      199 

with  those  of  merchant-captains  from  Manila  who 
had  recently  arrived  in  Hong  Kong. 

This  subject  of  mines  had  been  fully  discussed  in 
the  conferences  of  myself  and  staff  and  the  captains 
of  our  ships.  We  decided  that  submarine  mines  in 
Boca  Grande  might  safely  be  considered  a  negligible 
quantity.  First,  the  depth  of  water  rendered  the 
planting  of  submarine  mines  in  Boca  Grande,  except 
by  experts  of  much  experience,  a  matter  of  great  dif- 
ficulty; secondly,  either  contact  or  electrical  mines 
would  deteriorate  so  rapidly  in  tropical  waters  as  to 
become  ineffective  in  a  short  time  after  being  placed ; 
and,  thirdly,  all  agreed  that  the  many  reports  of 
warnings  to  vessels,  of  notices  that  the  passage  was 
dangerous,  of  compulsory  pilotage,  and  of  spectacu- 
lar zigzag  courses  appeared  suspiciously  like  a  cry 
of  "wolf,"  intended  to  have  its  due  effect  upon  a 
presumptuous  enemy. 

It  was  a  similar  course  of  reasoning,  I  recalled, 
that  opened  the  Suez  Canal  during  the  Arabi  Pasha 
rebellion.  Hundreds  of  merchant-steamers  had  been 
blocked  at  the  entrance  to  the  canal  in  the  fear  of 
mines  said  to  have  been  planted  by  the  Egyptians, 
when  an  Italian  man-of-war  under  the  command  of 
a  torpedo  expert  (late  Vice-Admiral  Morin,  minister 
of  marine)  appeared.  He  said  that  the  Egyptians 
had  hardly  skill  enough  to  lay  mines  properly,  and 
if  these  had  been  laid  as  long  as  reported  they  were 
probably  innocuous.  So  he  steamed  through  the 


200  GEORGE  DEWEY 

canal  in  spite  of  warning,  and  thus  raised  a  blockade 
that  had  lasted  for  weeks. 

The  city  of  Manila  lies  upon  the  eastern  side  of 
Manila  Bay,  some  twenty-five  miles  from  the  en- 
trance, with  the  headland  of  Sangley  Point  and  the 
naval  station  of  Cavite  five  miles  nearer.  At  all 
these  places  there  were  shore  batteries,  which  added 
materially  to  the  problem  that  our  squadron  had  to 
solve.  The  batteries  on  the  water-front  of  the  city 
had  thirty-nine  heavy  guns,  four  9.4,  four  5.5,  two 
5.9,  two  4.7  breech-loading  rifles;  nine  8.3  muzzle- 
loading  mortars;  eighteen  6.3  muzzle-loading  rifles; 
and  eight  breech-loading  Krupp  field-pieces.  At 
Sangley  Point  was  a  battery  with  two  5.9  breech- 
loading  rifles  and  at  Canacao  one  4.7  breech-loading 
rifle.  These  three  guns  and  three  of  the  Manila 
batteries  fired  on  our  ships  during  the  engagement. 
It  will  be  noted  that  four  guns  of  the  Manila  bat- 
teries being  over  9-inch  were  larger  calibre  than  any 
on  board  our  ships. 

Before  reaching  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay  there 
is  another  bay  which  might  be  made  an  invaluable 
aid  to  the  protection  of  the  capital  and  its  harbor 
from  naval  attack.  This  is  Subig  Bay,  situated 
thirty  miles  to  the  northward  of  Corregidor  and  di- 
rectly upon  the  flank  of  any  enemy  threatening  Ma- 
nila. With  this  strategic  point  effectively  occupied, 
no  hostile  commander-in-chief  would  think  of  pass- 
ing it  and  leaving  it  as  a  menace  to  his  lines  of  com- 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA   BAY      201 

munication.  But  with  it  unoccupied  the  way  was 
clear. 

The  Spaniards  had  inaugurated  a  small  naval 
reservation  at  Olongapo,  the  port  of  Subig,  and  at 
various  times  appointed  boards  of  officers  to  report 
upon  the  strategic  advantages  of  the  situation.  So 
emphatic  were  the  recommendations  of  these  boards 
in  favor  of  Subig  as  a  naval  station  in  place  of  Cavite 
that  the  change  might  have  been  made  except  for 
the  strong  social  and  official  opposition,  which  pre- 
ferred life  in  the  capital  to  comparative  exile  in  a 
provincial  port.  Therefore,  the  fortification  of  the 
bay  had  been  neglected;  and  although  at  the  last 
moment  there  was  a  nervous  attempt  to  improvise 
defences,  so  little  was  done  that  when,  on  April  26, 
the  Spanish  admiral  finally  realized  that  Subig  Bay 
was  the  strongest  point  for  the  defence  of  his  fleet 
and  of  Manila,  and  accordingly  sailed  from  Cavite 
for  Subig,  he  found,  upon  arrival,  that  comparatively 
nothing  had  been  accomplished  and  that  the  posi- 
tion was  untenable. 

Only  twenty-four  hours  before  the  arrival  of  our 
scouts  he  got  under  way  and  steamed  back  to  Cavite. 
In  his  official  report  he  writes  feelingly  of  his  disgust 
that  no  guns  had  been  mounted  and  that  the  en- 
trance had  not  been  mined.  He  was  in  error  about 
the  mines,  however.  A  Spanish  officer  assured  the 
executive  officer  of  the  Concord  that  eighty  mines 
had  been  planted  in  the  entrance  to  Subig  Bay. 


202  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Some  fifteen  others  which  the  Spaniards  had  neglected 
to  plant  were  found  later  by  our  officers  in  the  Span- 
ish storehouse  at  the  Subig  Bay  naval  station.  In 
order  to  get  their  powder  the  insurgents  had  pulled 
up  many  of  the  eighty  that  had  been  planted. 

So  far  as  our  squadron  is  concerned,  no  doubt  if 
we  had  entered  Subig  Bay  we  should  have  found  the 
mines  there  as  negligible  a  quantity  as  those  which 
had  undoubtedly  been  planted  in  Manila  Bay  and 
its  entrance.1  I  simply  mention  their  existence  to 
show  the  state  of  misinformation  in  the  Spanish 
admiral's  mind  about  his  own  resources.  He  na- 
ively adds,  in  continuing  his  report,  that  under  the 
circumstances  his  vessels  could  not  only  have  been 
destroyed  if  found  in  Subig  Bay,  but  that,  owing 
to  the  great  depth  of  water,  they  would  have  been 
unable  to  save  their  crews  in  case  of  being  sunk. 
What  a  singular  lack  of  morale  and  what  a  strange 
conclusion  for  a  naval  officer! 

1  Lieutenant  John  M.  Ellicott,  U.  S.  N.,  who  was  one  of  the  officers 
of  the  Baltimore,  in  his  article  upon  "The  Defences  of  Manila  Bay," 
published  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  U.  S.  Naval  Institute,  June,  1900, 
says: 

"In  the  face  of  all  evidence  the  existence  of  mines  at  the  entrance 
to  the  bay  can  scarcely  be  doubted.  A  chart  was  captured  at  Cavite 
next  morning  with  lines  of  torpedoes  marked  on  it  in  Boca  Chica,  and 
off  San  Nicolas  Shoal,  and  with  marginal  memoranda  about  the  spac- 
ing and  number  of  mines.  In  the  articles  of  capitulation  signed  by 
the  Governor  of  Corregidor  it  was  stated  that  mines  existed  in  Boca 
Grande.  The  testimony  of  nearly  every  Spanish  officer  interviewed 
by  the  writer  after  the  fall  of  Manila  was  to  the  same  effect.  If  these 
mines  were  contact  mines  they  had  become  innocuous  from  barnacles 
or  sea-weed  or  badly  adjusted  moorings;  if  they  were  electro-controlled 
the  firing  devices  had  not  been  installed  or  were  defective." 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      203 

A  comparison  of  the  relative  strength  of  the  two 
squadrons  about  to  be  engaged  may  easily  be  made 
by  consulting  Appendix  A,  which,  however,  does 
not  mention  some  twenty-five  small  gun-boats  not 
brought  into  action,  but  which  might  have  been  trans- 
formed into  torpedo-launches  for  night  attack  or  de- 
fence of  the  entrance  to  the  bay.  In  action  we  had 
six  ships  to  the  Spaniards'  seven,  but  we  were  supe- 
rior in  class  of  vessel  and  in  armaments. 

We  had  fifty-three  guns  above  the  4-inch  calibre 
and  the  Spaniards  thirty-one;  fifty-six  guns  under 
4-inch  to  the  Spaniards'  forty-four;  eight  torpedo- 
tubes  to  the  Spaniards'  thirteen;  officers  and  men, 
1,456  to  the  Spaniards'  1,447.  It  will  be  seen  that, 
in  keeping  with  American  naval  precedent,  we  were 
much  more  heavily  armed  in  ratio  to  our  personnel 
than  the  enemy.  Neither  side  had  any  armored 
ships  and  both  fought  with  brown  powder.  The  fact 
that  we  were  not  armored  made  the  heavy  guns  of 
the  Spanish  batteries,  if  they  were  brought  to  bear 
on  us,  a  serious  consideration.  , 

As  for  the  batteries  noted  in  the  Olympiads  offi- 
cial log  as  having  fired  on  us  during  the  battle  and 
verified  after  the  surrender,  they  were  two  6.3-inch 
muzzle-loaders  and  three  94-inch  from  the  Manila 
batteries;  two  5. 9-inch  from  the  Sangley  Point  bat- 
tery; and  one  4.7-inch  from  the  Canacao  battery. 
All  except  the  two  muzzle-loaders  mentioned  were 
modern  breech-loading  rifles. 


204  GEORGE  DEWEY 

As  we  cruised  southward  after  leaving  Mirs  Bay, 
the  weather  was  such  that  we  could  continue  the 
preparation  of  crews  and  ships  for  action  by  drilling 
the  men  again  in  battle  drills  and  their  stations  in 
case  of  fire,  and  for  repairing  injuries  to  the  ships  by 
shell-fire,  while  we  built  barricades  of  canvas  and 
iron  to  shield  the  gun  crews,  protected  the  sides  and 
ammunition  hoists  with  lengths  of  heavy  sheet  chain 
faked  up  and  down  over  a  buffer  of  awnings,  and 
threw  overboard  much  extra  wood-work  which,  while 
essential  to  comfort  in  time  of  peace,  might  become 
ignited  in  an  engagement.  Had  the  Spaniards  dis- 
posed of  their  wood-work  their  ships  would  have 
burned  less  fiercely  both  at  Manila  and  at  Santiago. 
At  night  all  lights  were  extinguished  except  one  on 
the  taffrail  to  denote  position,  and  even  this  was  so 
carefully  screened  as  to  be  visible  only  from  directly 
astern.  The  presence  of  the  squadron  on  the  waters 
was  denoted  alone  by  the  dark  forms  of  the  ships 
and  the  breaking  of  phosphorescence  at  their  bows 
and  in  the  wake  of  their  propellers. 

Now,  Consul  Williams,  when  he  came  on  board 
just  before  our  departure  from  Mirs  Bay,  had  brought 
news  which  was  anything  but  encouraging.  It  upset 
my  preconceived  ideas,  as  I  had  counted  upon  fight- 
ing in  Manila  Bay.  Just  as  the  consul  was  leaving 
Manila  he  had  learned  of  the  sailing  of  the  Spanish 
squadron  for  Subig  Bay.  Thus  Admiral  Montojo 
at  the  last  moment  seemed  to  have  realized  the 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA   BAY      205 

strategic  advantage  of  Subig  over  Manila,  which  we 
had  hoped  he  would  fail  to  do.  When  we  sighted 
land  near  Cape  Bolinao  early  on  the  morning  of 
May  30,  the  Boston  and  Concord  were  signalled  to 
proceed  at  full  speed  to  reconnoitre  Subig  Bay. 

Later,  some  of  our  officers  declared  that  they 
heard  the  sound  of  heavy  guns  firing  in  the  direction 
which  the  Boston  and  Concord  had  taken.  Though  I 
could  not  hear  any  firing  myself,  I  sent  the  Baltimore 
to  support  the  two  scouts  if  necessary,  and  to  await 
the  rest  of  the  squadron  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay. 

As  the  day  broke  the  coast  of  Luzon,  which  had 
been  indefinitely  seen  on  the  horizon,  appeared  clearly 
in  outline.  We  kept  at  a  distance  of  three  or  four 
miles  as  we  cruised  slowly,  keeping  our  speed  to  that 
of  our  slowest  vessel,  the  collier  Nanshan.  In  the 
hope  of  obtaining  news  we  overhauled  some  of  the 
fishing-boats  in  our  path,  but  they  knew  nothing 
of  the  movements  of  the  Spanish  squadron.  At  3.30 
in  the  afternoon  the  three  ships  which  had  been 
sent  ahead  as  scouts  were  sighted  at  the  entrance  to 
the  bay.  I  waited  very  anxiously  for  their  signal. 
When  it  came,  saying  that  no  enemy  had  been  found, 
I  was  deeply  relieved.  I  remember  that  I  said  to 
Lamberton,  "Now  we  have  them." 

The  distance  from  Subig  Bay  to  Corregidor  was 
only  thirty  miles.  As  we  had  decided  to  run  past 
the  batteries  at  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay  un- 
der cover  of  darkness,  we  slowed  down  and  finally 


206  GEORGE  DEWEY 

stopped.  All  the  commanding  officers  were  signalled 
to  come  on  board  the  flag-ship.  When  they  were 
in  my  cabin,  and  Wildes,  of  the  Boston,  and  Walker, 
of  the  Concord,  had  corroborated  in  person  the  im- 
port of  their  signals  that  there  were  no  Spanish  ves- 
sels in  the  vicinity,  I  said: 

"We  shall  enter  Manila  Bay  to-night  and  you 
will  follow  the  motions  and  movements  of  the  flag- 
ship, which  will  lead." 

There  was  no  discussion  and  no  written  order  and 
no  further  particulars  as  to  preparation.  For  every 
preparation  that  had  occurred  to  us  in  our  councils 
had  already  been  made.  I  knew  that  I  could  depend 
upon  my  captains  and  that  they  understood  my  pur- 
poses. My  position  in  relation  to  my  captains  and 
to  all  my  officers  and  crews  was  happy,  indeed,  by 
contrast  with  that  of  the  unfortunate  Montojo,  who 
tells  in  his  official  report  of  how,  upon  arriving  at 
Subig  Bay  on  the  night  of  April  25  with  six  of  his 
ships,  he  found  that  none  of  his  orders  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  bay  had  been  executed.1  The  four  5.9- 
inch  guns  which  should  have  been  mounted  a  month 
previously  were  lying  on  the  shore;  yet  in  landing- 
drill  our  men  have  often  mounted  guns  of  equal 
calibre  on  shore  in  twenty-four  hours.  Aside  from 
the  planting  of  the  mines  which  have  been  mentioned 
and  the  sinking  of  three  old  hulks  at  the  eastern 
entrance  of  the  bay,  nothing  had  been  done. 

1  Appendix  C. 


From  a  photograph  by  Harris  W  Etving 

COMMODORE  DEWEY'S  DIARY — THE  START  FOR  MANILA  BAT 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      207 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Subig  on  the  28th  Ad- 
miral Montojo  received  the  following  cable  from  the 
Spanish  consul  at  Hong  Kong: 

"The  enemy's  squadron  sailed  at  2  p.  M.  from 
Mirs  Bay,  and  according  to  reliable  accounts  they 
sailed  for  Subig  to  destroy  our  squadron  and  then 
will  go  to  Manila." 

A  council  of  war  was  held,  and  the  captains  of 
the  Spanish  ships  unanimously  voted  to  return  to 
Manila  rather  than,  as  their  own  consul  had  ex- 
pressed it,  be  destroyed  where  they  were.  So  on 
the  morning  of  the  2Qth  the  Spanish  squadron 
steamed  back  to  Cavite.  The  attitude  of  the  com- 
manding officers  must  have  been  the  attitude  of  the 
personnel.  Any  force  in  such  a  state  of  mind  is  al- 
ready half  beaten.  The  morale  of  his  squadron,  as 
revealed  by  Montojo's  report  after  the  battle,  bore 
out  my  reasoning  before  the  war  had  begun,  that 
everywhere  the  Spaniards  would  stand  upon  the  de- 
fensive. This  must  mean  defeat  in  the  end,  and  the 
more  aggressive  and  prompt  our  action  the  smaller 
would  be  our  losses  and  the  sooner  peace  would 
come. 

When  my  captains,  after  receiving  their  final 
orders  on  board  the  flag-ship,  had  returned  to  their 
own  ships,  the  squadron  resumed  its  course  to  Cor- 
regidor.  As  the  gloom  of  night  gradually  shut  out 
the  details  of  the  coast,  the  squadron  steamed  quietly 
on  toward  the  entrance  of  Manila  Bay  with  all  lights 


208  GEORGE  DEWEY 

masked  and  the  gun  crews  at  the  guns.  By  degrees 
the  high  land  on  either  side  loomed  up  out  of  the 
darkness,  while  the  flag-ship  headed  for  Boca  Grande, 
which  was  the  wider  but  comparatively  little  used 
channel.  A  light  shower  passed  over  about  eleven 
o'clock  and  heavy,  cumulus  clouds  drifting  across 
the  sky  from  time  to  time  obscured  the  new  moon. 
The  landmarks  and  islands  were,  however,  fairly 
visible,  while  compass  bearings  for  regulating  our 
course  could  readily  be  observed. 

It  was  thirty-six  years  since,  as  executive  officer 
of  the  Mississippi,  I  was  first  under  fire  in  the  passage 
of  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip  under  Farragut,  and 
thirty-five  years  since,  as  executive  officer,  I  had  lost 
my  ship  in  the  attempted  passage  of  the  batteries 
of  Port  Hudson.  Then,  as  now,  we  were  dependent 
upon  the  screen  of  darkness  to  get  by  successfully, 
but  then  I  was  a  subordinate  and  now  the  supreme 
responsibility  was  mine. 

If  the  guns  commanding  the  entrance  were  well 
served,  there  was  danger  of  damage  to  my  squadron 
before  it  engaged  the  enemy's  squadron.  If  the 
Spaniards  had  shown  enterprise  in  the  use  of  the 
materials  which  they  possessed,  then  we  might  have 
expected  a  heavy  fire  from  the  shore  batteries.  One 
who  had  military  knowledge  did  not  have  to  wait 
for  the  developments  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  to 
know  how  quickly  modern  guns  of  high  velocity  and 
low  trajectory  may  be  emplaced  and  how  effective 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      209 

they  may  be,  when  fired  from  a  stationary  position, 
against  so  large  a  target  as  a  ship.  Had  the  bat- 
teries search-lights  they  could  easily  locate  us,  while 
we  could  locate  them  only  by  the  flash  of  their  guns. 

When  we  were  ten  miles  from  Boca  Grande  we 
judged,  as  we  saw  signal  lights  flash,  that  we  had 
already  been  sighted  either  by  small  vessels  acting 
as  scouts  or  by  land  lookouts.  El  Fraile  was  passed 
by  the  flag-ship  at  a  distance  of  half  a  mile  and  was 
utilized  as  a  point  of  departure  for  the  course  up  the 
bay  clear  of  the  San  Nicolas  Shoals.  When  El  Fraile 
bore  due  south  (magnetic)  the  course  was  changed 
to  northeast  by  north.  We  were  not  surprised  to 
find  the  usual  lights  on  Corregidor  and  Caballo 
Islands  and  the  San  Nicolas  Shoals  extinguished,  as 
this  was  only  a  natural  precaution  on  the  part  of  the 
Spaniards. 

There  were  no  vessels,  so  far  as  we  could  see,  cruis- 
ing off  the  entrance,  no  dash  of  torpedo-launches 
which  might  have  been  expected,  no  sign  of  life  be- 
yond the  signalling  on  shore  until  the  rear  of  the 
column,  steaming  at  full  speed,  was  between  Cor- 
regidor and  El  Fraile. 

As  we  watched  the  walls  of  darkness  for  the  first 
gun-flash,  every  moment  of  our  progress  brought  its 
relief,  and  now  we  began  to  hope  that  we  should  get 
by  without  being  fired  on  at  all.  But  about  ten 
minutes  after  midnight,  when  all  except  our  rear 
ships  had  cleared  it,  the  El  Fraile  battery  opened 


210  GEORGE  DEWEY 

with  a  shot  that  passed  between  the  Petrel  and  the 
Raleigh.  The  Boston,  Concord,  Raleigh,  and  Mc- 
Culloch  returned  the  fire  with  a  few  shots.  One 
8-inch  shell  from  the  Boston  seemed  to  be  effective. 
After  firing  three  times  El  Fraile  was  silent.  There 
was  no  demonstration  whatever  from  the  Caballo 
battery,  with  its  three  6-inch  modern  rifles,  no  ex- 
plosion of  mines,  and  no  other  resistance.  We  were 
safely  within  the  bay.  The  next  step  was  to  locate 
the  Spanish  squadron  and  engage  it. 

Afterward  we  heard  various  explanations  of  why 
we  were  not  given  a  warmer  reception  as  we  passed 
through.  Some  of  the  officers  in  the  El  Fraile  bat- 
tery said  that  their  dilatoriness  in  opening  fire  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  their  men  were  ashore  at  Punta 
Lasisi  and  could  not  get  off  to  their  guns  in  time 
after  they  heard  of  the  squadron's  approach.  An 
eye-witness  on  Corregidor  informed  me  that  our 
squadron  was  perfectly  visible  as  it  was  passing 
through  the  entrance,  but  for  some  extraordinary 
reason  the  commanding  officer  gave  no  orders  to  the 
batteries  to  open  fire. 

Perhaps  the  enemy  thought  that  he  had  done  all 
that  was  necessary  by  cutting  off  the  usual  lights 
on  Corregidor  and  Caballo  Islands  and  San  Nicolas 
Shoals  for  guiding  mariners,  and  he  expected  that 
without  pilots  and  without  any  knowledge  of  the 
waters  we  would  not  be  guilty  of  such  a  foolhardy  at- 
tempt as  entering  an  unlighted  channel  at  midnight. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      211 

Once  through  the  entrance,  as  I  deemed  it  wise 
to  keep  moving  in  order  not  to  be  taken  by  surprise 
when  the  ships  had  no  headway,  and  as,  at  the  same 
time,  I  did  not  wish  to  reach  our  destination  before 
we  had  sufficient  daylight  to  show  us  the  position  of 
the  Spanish  ships,  the  speed  of  the  squadron  was 
reduced  to  four  knots,  while  we  headed  toward  the 
city  of  Manila.  In  the  meantime  the  men  were  al- 
lowed to  snatch  a  little  sleep  at  their  guns;  but  at 
four  o'clock  coffee  was  served  to  them,  and  so  eager 
were  they  that  there  was  no  need  of  any  orders  to 
insure  readiness  for  the  work  to  come. 

Signal  lights,  rockets,  and  beacon  lights  along 
the  shore,  now  that  we  were  sure  of  grappling  with 
the  enemy,  no  longer  concerned  us.  We  waited  for 
dawn  and  the  first  sight  of  the  Spanish  squadron, 
which  I  had  rather  expected  would  be  at  the  anchor- 
age off  the  city  of  Manila.  This  seemed  naturally 
the  strong  position  for  Admiral  Montojo  to  take  up, 
as  he  would  then  have  the  powerful  Manila  battery, 
mounting  the  guns  which  have  already  been  enu- 
merated, to  support  him.  But  the  admiral  stated  in 
his  report  that  he  had  avoided  this  position  on  ac- 
count of  the  resultant  injury  which  the  city  might 
have  received  if  the  battle  had  been  fought  in  close 
proximity  to  it.1 

The  Nanshan  and  Zafiro,  as  there  was  no  reserve 
ammunition  for  either  to  carry,  had  been  sent,  with 

1  Appendix  C. 


212  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  McCulloch,  into  an  unfrequented  part  of  the  bay 
in  order  that  they  should  sustain  no  injury  and  that 
they  might  not  hamper  the  movements  of  the  fight- 
ing-ships. When  we  saw  that  there  were  only  mer- 
chantmen at  the  Manila  anchorage,  the  squadron, 
led  by  the  flag-ship,  gradually  changed  its  course, 
swinging  around  on  the  arc  of  a  large  circle  leading 
toward  the  city  and  making  a  kind  of  countermarch, 
as  it  were,  until  headed  in  the  direction  of  Cavite. 
This  brought  the  ships  within  two  or  three  miles  of 
shore,  with  a  distance  of  four  hundred  yards  be- 
tween ships,  in  the  following  order:  Olympia  (flag), 
Baltimore,  Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  and  Boston. 

About  5.05  the  Luneta  and  two  other  Manila 
batteries  opened  fire.  Their  shots  passed  well  over 
the  vessels.  It  was  estimated  that  some  had  a  range 
of  seven  miles.  Only  the  Boston  and  Concord  replied. 
Each  sent  two  shells  at  the  Luneta  battery.  The 
other  vessels  reserved  their  fire,  having  in  mind  my 
caution  that,  in  the  absence  of  a  full  supply  of  am- 
munition, the  amount  we  had  was  too  precious  to 
be  wasted  when  we  were  seven  thousand  miles  from 
our  base.  My  captains  understood  that  the  Span- 
ish ships  were  our  objective  and  not  the  shore  forti- 
fications of  a  city  that  would  be  virtually  ours  as 
soon  as  our  squadron  had  control  of  Manila  Bay. 

With  the  coming  of  broad  daylight  we  finally 
sighted  the  Spanish  vessels  formed  in  an  irregular 
crescent  in  front  of  Cavite.  The  Olympia  headed 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      213 

toward  them,  and  in  answer  to  her  signal  to  close 
up,  the  distance  between  our  ships  was  reduced  to 
two  hundred  yards.  The  western  flank  of  the  Span- 
ish squadron  was  protected  by  Cavite  Peninsula  and 
the  Sangley  Point  battery,  while  its  eastern  flank 
rested  in  the  shoal  water  off  Las  Pinas. 

The  Spanish  line  of  battle  was  formed  by  the 
Reina  Cristina  (flag),  Castillo,,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  Isla  de  Luzon,  Isla  de  Cuba, 
and  Marques  del  Duero. 

The  Velasco  and  Lezo  were  on  the  other  (southern) 
side  of  Cavite  Point,  and  it  is  claimed  by  the  Span- 
iards that  they  took  no  part  in  the  action.  Some 
of  the  vessels  in  the  Spanish  battle-line  were  under 
way,  and  others  were  moored  so  as  to  bring  their 
broadside  batteries  to  bear  to  the  best  advantage. 
The  Castilla  was  protected  by  heavy  iron  lighters 
filled  with  stone. 

Before  me  now  was  the  object  for  which  we  had 
made  our  arduous  preparations,  and  which,  indeed, 
must  ever  be  the  supreme  test  of  a  naval  officer's 
career.  I  felt  confident  of  the  outcome,  though  I 
had  no  thought  that  victory  would  be  won  at  so 
slight  a  cost  to  our  own  side.  Confidence  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  very  precision  with  which  the  dun, 
war-colored  hulls  of  the  squadron  followed  in  column 
behind  the  flag-ship,  keeping  their  distance  excel- 
lently. All  the  guns  were  pointed  constantly  at  the 
enemy,  while  the  men  were  at  their  stations  waiting 
the  word.  There  was  no  break  in  the  monotone  of 


2i4  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  engines  save  the  mechanical  voice  of  the  leads- 
man or  an  occasional  low-toned  command  by  the 
quartermaster  at  the  conn,  or  the  roar  of  a  Spanish 
shell.  The  Manila  batteries  continued  their  inac- 
curate fire,  to  which  we  paid  no  attention. 

The  misty  haze  of  the  tropical  dawn  had  hardly 
risen  when  at  5.15,  at  long  range,  the  Cavite  forts  and 
Spanish  squadron  opened  fire.  Our  course  was  not 
one  leading  directly  toward  the  enemy,  but  a  con- 
verging one,  keeping  him  on  our  starboard  bow.  Our 
speed  was  eight  knots  and  our  converging  course 
and  ever-varying  position  must  have  confused  the 
Spanish  gunners.  My  assumption  that  the  Spanish 
fire  would  be  hasty  and  inaccurate  proved  correct. 

So  far  as  I  could  see,  none  of  our  ships  was  suf- 
fering any  damage,  while,  in  view  of  my  limited  am- 
munition supply,  it  was  my  plan  not  to  open  fire  until 
we  were  within  effective  range,  and  then  to  fire  as 
rapidly  as  possible  with  all  of  our  guns. 

At  5.40,  when  we  were  within  a  distance  of  5,000 
yards  (two  and  one-half  miles),  I  turned  to  Captain 
Gridley  and  said: 

"You  may  fire  when  you  are  ready,  Gridley." 

While  I  remained  on  the  bridge  with  Lamberton, 
Brumby,  and  Stickney,  Gridley  took  his  station  in 
the  conning-tower  and  gave  the  order  to  the  battery. 
The  very  first  gun  to  speak  was  an  8-inch  from 
the  forward  turret  of  the  Olympia,  and  this  was  the 
signal  for  all  the  other  ships  to  join  the  action. 

At  about  the  time  that  the  Spanish  ships  were 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      215 

first  sighted,  5.06,  two  submarine  mines  were  ex- 
ploded between  our  squadron  and  Cavite,  some  two 
miles  ahead  of  our  column.  On  account  of  the  dis- 
tance, I  remarked  to  Lamberton: 

"Evidently  the  Spaniards  are  already  rattled." 

However,  they  explained  afterward  that  the  pre- 
mature explosions  were  due  to  a  desire  to  clear  a 
space  in  which  their  ships  might  manoeuvre. 

At  one  time  a  torpedo-launch  made  an  attempt 
to  reach  the  Olympia,  but  she  was  sunk  by  the  guns 
of  the  secondary  battery  and  went  down  bow  first, 
and  another  yellow-colored  launch  flying  the  Spanish 
colors  ran  out,  heading  for  the  Olympia,  but  after 
being  disabled  she  was  beached  to  prevent  her  sink- 
ing. 

When  the  flag-ship  neared  the  five-fathom  curve 
off  Cavite  she  turned  to  the  westward,  bringing  her 
port  batteries  to  bear  on  the  enemy,  and,  followed 
by  the  squadron,  passed  along  the  Spanish  line  until 
north  of  and  only  some  fifteen  hundred  yards  dis- 
tant from  the  Sangley  Point  battery,  when  she  again 
turned  and  headed  back  to  the  eastward,  thus  giving 
the  squadron  an  opportunity  to  use  their  port  and 
starboard  batteries  alternately  and  to  cover  with 
their  fire  all  the  Spanish  ships,  as  well  as  the  Cavite 
and  Sangley  Point  batteries.  While  I  was  regulating 
the  course  of  the  squadron,  Lieutenant  Calkins  was 
verifying  our  position  by  crossbearings  and  by  the 
lead. 


216  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Three  runs  were  thus  made  from  the  eastward  and 
two  from  the  westward,  the  length  of  each  run  aver- 
aging two  miles  and  the  ships  being  turned  each  time 
with  port  helm.  Calkins  found  that  there  was  in 
reality  deeper  water  than  shown  on  the  chart,  and 
when  he  reported  the  fact  to  me,  inasmuch  as  my 
object  was  to  get  as  near  as  possible  to  the  enemy 
without  grounding  our  own  vessels,  the  fifth  run 
past  the  Spaniards  was  farther  inshore  than  any 
preceding  run.  At  the  nearest  point  to  the  enemy 
our  range  was  only  two  thousand  yards. 

There  had  been  no  cessation  in  the  rapidity  of 
fire  maintained  by  our  whole  squadron,  and  the  ef- 
fect of  its  concentration,  owing  to  the  fact  that  our 
ships  were  kept  so  close  together,  was  smothering, 
particularly  upon  the  two  largest  ships,  the  Reina 
Cristina  and  Castillo,.  The  Don  Juan  de  Austria  first 
and  then  the  Reina  Cristina  made  brave  and  desper- 
ate attempts  to  charge  the  Olympia,  but  becoming 
the  target  for  all  our  batteries  they  turned  and  ran 
back.  In  this  sortie  the  Reina  Cristina  was  raked  by 
an  8-inch  shell,  which  is  said  to  have  put  out  of 
action  some  twenty  men  and  to  have  completely 
destroyed  her  steering-gear.  Another  shell  in  her 
forecastle  killed  or  wounded  all  the  members  of  the 
crews  of  four  rapid-fire  guns ;  another  set  fire  to  her 
after  orlop;  another  killed  or  disabled  nine  men  on 
her  poop;  another  carried  away  her  mrzzen-mast, 
bringing  down  the  ensign  and  the  admiral's  flag, 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      217 

both  of  which  were  replaced;  another  exploded  in 
the  after  ammunition-room;  and  still  another  ex- 
ploded in  the  sick-bay,  which  was  already  rilled  with 
wounded. 

When  she  was  raised  from  her  muddy  bed,  five 
years  later,  eighty  skeletons  were  found  in  the  sick- 
bay and  fifteen  shot  holes  in  the  hull;  while  the 
many  hits  mentioned  in  Admiral  Montojo's  report, 
and  his  harrowing  description  of  the  shambles  that 
his  flag-ship  had  become  when  he  was  finally  obliged 
to  leave  her,  shows  what  execution  was  done  to  her 
upper  works.  Her  loss  was  one  hundred  and  fifty 
killed  and  ninety  wounded,  seven  of  these  being  of- 
ficers. Among  the  killed  was  her  valiant  captain, 
Don  Luis  Cadarso,  who,  already  wounded,  finally 
met  his  death  while  bravely  directing  the  rescue  of 
his  men  from  the  burning  and  sinking  vessel. 

Though  in  the  early  part  of  the  action  our  firing 
was  not  what  I  should  have  liked  it  to  be,  it  soon 
steadied  down,  and  by  the  time  the  Reina  Cristina 
steamed  toward  us  it  was  satisfactorily  accurate. 
The  Castillo,  fared  little  better  than  the  Reina  Cris- 
tina. All  except  one  of  her  guns  was  disabled,  she 
was  set  on  fire  by  our  shells,  and  finally  abandoned 
by  her  crew  after  they  had  sustained  a  loss  of  twenty- 
three  killed  and  eighty  wounded.  The  Don  Juan 
de  Austria  was  badly  damaged  and  on  fire,  the  Isla 
de  Luzon  had  three  guns  dismounted,  and  the  Mar- 
ques del  Duero  was  also  in  a  bad  way.  Admiral 


218  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Montojo,  finding  his  flag-ship  no  longer  manageable, 
half  her  people  dead  or  wounded,  her  guns  useless 
and  the  ship  on  fire,  gave  the  order  to  abandon  and 
sink  her,  and  transferred  his  flag  to  the  Isla  de  Cuba 
shortly  after  seven  o'clock. 

Victory  was  already  ours,  though  we  did  not 
know  it.  Owing  to  the  smoke  over  the  Spanish 
squadron  there  were  no  visible  signs  of  the  execu- 
tion wrought  by  our  guns  when  we  started  upon  our 
fifth  run  past  the  enemy.  We  were  keeping  up  our 
rapid  fire,  and  the  flag-ship  was  opposite  the  centre 
of  the  Spanish  line,  when,  at  7.35,  the  captain  of  the 
Olympia  made  a  report  to  me  which  was  as  startling 
as  it  was  unexpected.  This  was  to  the  effect  that 
on  board  the  Olympia  there  remained  only  fifteen 
rounds  per  gun  for  the  5-inch  battery. 

It  was  a  most  anxious  moment  for  me.  So  far 
as  I  could  see,  the  Spanish  squadron  was  as  intact 
as  ours.  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  their  supply 
of  ammunition  was  as  ample  as  ours  was  limited. 

Therefore,  I  decided  to  withdraw  temporarily 
from  action  for  a  redistribution  of  ammunition  if 
necessary.  For  I  knew  that  fifteen  rounds  of  5-inch 
ammunition  could  be  shot  away  in  five  minutes.  But 
even  as  we  were  steaming  out  of  range  the  distress 
of  the  Spanish  ships  became  evident.  Some  of  them 
were  perceived  to  be  on  fire  and  others  were  seeking 
protection  behind  Cavite  Point.  The  Don  Antonio 
de  Ulloa,  however,  still  retained  her  position  at  Sang- 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      219 

ley  Point,  where  she  had  been  moored.  Moreover, 
the  Spanish  fire,  with  the  exception  of  the  Manila 
batteries,  to  which  we  had  paid  little  attention,  had 
ceased  entirely.  It  was  clear  that  we  did  not  need 
a  very  large  supply  of  ammunition  to  finish  our  morn- 
ing's task;  and  happily  it  was  found  that  the  report 
about  the  Olympias  5-inch  ammunition  had  been 
incorrectly  transmitted.  It  was  that  fifteen  rounds 
had  been  fired  per  gun,  not  that  only  fifteen  rounds 
remained. 

Feeling  confident  of  the  outcome,  I  now  signalled 
that  the  crews,  who  had  had  only  a  cup  of  coffee  at 
4  A.  M.,  should  have  their  breakfast.  The  public  at 
home,  on  account  of  this  signal,  to  which  was  attrib- 
uted a  nonchalance  that  had  never  occurred  to  me, 
reasoned  that  breakfast  was  the  real  reason  for  our 
withdrawing  from  action.  Meanwhile,  I  improved 
the  opportunity  to  have  the  commanding  officers 
report  on  board  the  flag-ship. 

There  had  been  such  a  heavy  flight  of  shells  over 
us  that  each  captain,  when  he  arrived,  was  convinced 
that  no  other  ship  had  had  such  good  luck  as  his 
own  in  being  missed  by  the  enemy's  fire,  and  ex- 
pected the  others  to  have  both  casualties  and  dam- 
ages to  their  ships  to  report.  But  fortune  was  as 
pronouncedly  in  our  favor  at  Manila  as  it  was  later 
at  Santiago.  To  my  gratification  not  a  single  life 
had  been  lost,  and  considering  that  we  would  rather 
measure  the  importance  of  an  action  by  the  scale 


220  GEORGE  DEWEY 

of  its  conduct  than  by  the  number  of  casualties  we 
were  immensely  happy.  The  concentration  of  our 
fire  immediately  we  were  within  telling  range  had 
given  us  an  early  advantage  in  demoralizing  the 
enemy,  which  has  ever  been  the  prime  factor  in  naval 
battles.  In  the  War  of  1812  the  losses  of  the  Con- 
stitution were  slight  when  she  overwhelmed  the 
Guerriere  and  in  the  Civil  War  the  losses  of  the  Kear- 
sarge  were  slight  when  she  made  a  shambles  of  the 
Alabama.  On  the  Baltimore  two  officers  (Lieuten- 
ant F.  W.  Kellogg  and  Ensign  N.  E.  Irwin)  and  six 
men  were  slightly  wounded.  None  of  our  ships  had 
been  seriously  hit,  and  every  one  was  still  ready  for 
immediate  action. 

In  detail  the  injuries  which  we  had  received  from 
the  Spanish  fire  were  as  follows: 

The  Olympia  was  hulled  five  times  and  her  rig- 
ging was  cut  in  several  places.  One  six-pound  pro- 
jectile struck  immediately  under  the  position  where 
I  was  standing.  The  Baltimore  was  hit  five  times. 
The  projectile  which  wounded  two  officers  and  six 
men  pursued  a  most  erratic  course.  It  entered  the 
ship's  side  forward  of  the  starboard  gangway,  and  just 
above  the  line  of  the  main  deck,  passed  through  the 
hammock-netting,  down  through  the  deck  planks 
and  steel  deck,  bending  the  deck  beam  in  a  ward- 
room state-room,  thence  upward  through  the  after 
engine-room  coaming,  over  against  the  cylinder  of  a 
6-inch  gun,  disabling  the  gun,  struck  and  exploded 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      221 

a  box  of  three-pounder  ammunition,  hit  an  iron 
ladder,  and  finally,  spent,  dropped  on  deck.  The 
Boston  had  four  unimportant  hits,  one  causing  a 
fire  which  was  soon  extinguished,  and  the  Petrel 
was  struck  once. 

At  11.16  A.  M.  we  stood  in  to  complete  our  work. 
There  remained  to  oppose  us,  however,  only  the  bat- 
teries and  the  gallant  little  Ulloa.  Both  opened  fire 
as  we  advanced.  But  the  contest  was  too  unequal 
to  last  more  than  a  few  minutes.  Soon  the  Ulloay 
under  our  concentrated  fire,  went  down  valiantly 
with  her  colors  flying. 

The  battery  at  Sangley  Point  was  well  served, 
and  several  times  reopened  fire  before  being  finally 
silenced.  Had  this  battery  possessed  its  four  other 
6-inch  guns  which  Admiral  Montojo  had  found  use- 
lessly lying  on  the  beach  at  Subig,  our  ships  would 
have  had  many  more  casualties  to  report.  Hap- 
pily for  us,  the  guns  of  this  battery  had  been  so 
mounted  that  they  could  be  laid  only  for  objects 
beyond  the  range  of  two  thousand  yards.  As  the 
course  of  our  ships  led  each  time  within  this  range, 
the  shots  passed  over  and  beyond  them.  Evidently 
the  artillerists,  who  had  so  constructed  their  carriages 
that  the  muzzles  of  the  guns  took  against  the  sill  of 
the  embrasure  for  any  range  under  two  thousand 
yards,  thought  it  out  of  the  question  that  an  enemy 
would  venture  within  this  distance. 

The  Concord  was  sent  to  destroy  a  large  transport, 


222  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  Mindanao,  which  had  been  beached  near  Bacoor, 
and  the  Petrel,  whose  tight  draught  would  permit 
her  to  move  in  shallower  water  than  the  other  ves- 
sels of  the  squadron,  was  sent  into  the  harbor  of 
Cavite  to  destroy  any  ships  that  had  taken  refuge 
there.  The  Mindanao  was  set  on  fire  and  her  valu- 
able cargo  destroyed.  Meanwhile,  the  Petrel  gal- 
lantly performed  her  duty,  and  after  a  few  shots 
from  her  6-inch  guns  the  Spanish  flag  on  the  govern- 
ment buildings  was  hauled  down  and  a  white  flag 
hoisted.  Admiral  Montojo  had  been  wounded,  and 
had  taken  refuge  on  shore  with  his  remaining  officers 
and  men;  his  loss  was  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
one  of  his  officers  and  crew,  and  there  was  no  pos- 
sibility of  further  resistance. 

At  12.30  the  Petrel  signalled  the  fact  of  the  sur- 
render, and  the  firing  ceased.  But  the  Spanish  ves- 
sels were  not  yet  fully  destroyed.  Therefore,  the 
executive  officer  of  the  Petrel,  Lieutenant  E.  M. 
Hughes,  with  a  whale-boat  and  a  crew  of  only  seven 
men,  boarded  and  set  fire  to  the  Don  Juan  de  Aus- 
tria, Isla  de  Cuba,  Isla  de  Luzon,  General  Lew,  Coreo, 
and  Marques  del  Duero,  all  of  which  had  been  aban- 
doned in  shallow  water  and  left  scuttled  by  their 
deserting  crews.  This  was  a  courageous  undertak- 
ing, as  these  vessels  were  supposed  to  have  been  left 
with  trains  to  their  magazines  and  were  not  far  from 
the  shore,  where  there  were  hundreds  of  Spanish  sold- 
iers and  sailors,  all  armed  and  greatly  excited.  The 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA   BAY      223 

Manila,  an  armed  transport,  which  was  found  un- 
injured after  having  been  beached  by  the  Spaniards, 
was  therefore  spared.  Two  days  later  she  was  easily 
floated,  and  for  many  years  did  good  service  as  a 
gun-boat.  The  little  Petrel  continued  her  work  until 
5.20  P.  M.,  when  she  rejoined  the  squadron,  towing  a 
long  string  of  tugs  and  launches,  to  be  greeted  by 
volleys  of  cheers  from  every  ship. 

The  order  to  capture  or  destroy  the  Spanish 
squadron  had  been  executed  to  the  letter.  Not  one 
of  its  fighting-vessels  remained  afloat.  That  night 
I  wrote  in  my  diary:  "Reached  Manila  at  daylight. 
Immediately  engaged  the  Spanish  ships  and  batteries 
at  Cavite.  Destroyed  eight  of  the  former,  including 
the  Reina  Cristina  and  Castillo,.  Anchored  at  noon 
off  Manila." 

As  soon  as  we  had  sunk  the  Ulloa  and  silenced 
the  batteries  at  Sangley  Point,  the  Olympia,  fol- 
lowed by  the  Baltimore  and  Raleigh,  while  the  Con- 
cord and  Petrel  were  carrying  out  their  orders,  started 
for  the  anchorage  off  the  city.  The  Manila  batteries, 
which  had  kept  up  such  a  persistent  though  impo- 
tent firing  all  the  early  part  of  the  day,  were  now  silent 
and  made  no  attempt  to  reopen  as  our  ships  ap- 
proached the  city. 

Consul  Williams  was  sent  on  board  a  British  ship 
moored  close  inshore  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig 
River,  with  instructions  to  request  her  captain  to  be 
the  bearer  of  a  message  to  the  Spanish  captain-gen- 
eral.- This  message  was  taken  ashore  at  2  p.  M.,  in 


224  GEORGE  DEWEY 

the  form  of  a  note  to  the  British  consul,  Mr.  E.  H. 
Rawson- Walker,  who,  after  the  departure  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, had  assumed  charge  of  our  archives  and  in- 
terests, requesting  him  to  see  the  captain-general,  and 
to  say  to  him,  on  my  behalf,  that  if  another  shot 
were  fired  at  our  ships  from  the  Manila  batteries  we 
should  destroy  the  city.  Moreover,  if  there  were 
any  torpedo-boats  in  the  Pasig  River  they  must  be 
surrendered,  and  if  we  were  allowed  to  transmit  mes- 
sages by  the  cable  to  Hong  Kong  the  captain-general 
would  also  be  permitted  to  use  it. 

Assurance  came  promptly  that  the  forts  would 
not  fire  at  our  squadron  unless  it  was  evident  that 
a  disposition  of  our  ships  to  bombard  the  city  was 
being  made.  This  assurance,  which  was  kept  even 
during  the  land  attack  upon  the  city,  some  three 
months  later,  led  me  to  drop  anchor  for  the  first 
time  since  we  had  entered  the  bay.  From  the  mo- 
ment that  the  captain-general  accepted  my  terms 
the  city  was  virtually  surrendered,  and  I  was  in  con- 
trol of  the  situation,  subject  to  my  government's 
orders  for  the  future.  I  had  established  a  base  seven 
thousand  miles  from  home  which  I  might  occupy  in- 
definitely. As  I  informed  the  secretary  of  the  navy 
in  my  cable  of  May  4,  our  squadron  controlled  the 
bay  and  could  take  the  city  at  any  time.  The  only 
reason  for  awaiting  the  arrival  of  troops  before  de- 
manding its  surrender  was  the  lack  of  sufficient  force 
to  occupy  it. 

In  answer  to  the  other  points  of  my  message, 


? 


From  a  photograph  by  Harris  y  Swing 

COMMODORE    DEWEY'S    DIARY — THE    BATTLE    OF 
MANILA    BAY 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      225 

the  captain-general,  Don  Basilio  Augustin  Davila, 
said  that  he  knew  of  no  torpedo-boats  in  the  river, 
but  that  if  there  were  any  his  honor  would  not  allow 
him  to  surrender  them.     As  there  were  none,  he  was- 
quite  safe  in  making  this  reservation,  which  did  not 
affect  the  main  fact,  that  his  capital  was  under  our 
guns.     He  refused  my  request  about  the  cable.     As 
a  result  he  found  himself  cut  off  from  all  telegraphic 
communication  with  the  outside  world  on  the  next    , 
morning,  because  I  directed  the  Zafiro  to  cut  the    j 
cable. 

As  the  sun  set  on  the  evening  of  May  i,  crowds 
of  people  gathered  along  the  water-front,  gazing  at 
the  American  squadron.  They  climbed  on  the  ram- 
parts of  the  very  battery  that  had  fired  on  us  in  the 
morning.  The  Olympias  band,  for  their  benefit, 
played  "La  Paloma"  and  other  Spanish  airs,  and 
while  the  sea-breeze  wafted  the  strains  to  their  ears 
the  poor  colonel  of  artillery  who  had  commanded  the 
battery,  feeling  himself  dishonored  by  his  disgrace- 
ful failure,  shot  himself  through  the  head. 

During  the  mid-watch  that  night  a  steam-launch 
was  discovered  coming  off  from  Manila.  The  crews 
went  to  quarters  and  search-lights  and  guns  were 
trained  upon  her  until  she  approached  the  Olympia, 
when  she  was  allowed  to  come  alongside.  A  Span- 
ish official  was  on  board.  He  desired  permission  to 
proceed  to  Corregidor  to  instruct  the  commanding 
officer  that  none  of  the  batteries  at  the  entrance  to 


226  GEORGE   DEWEY 

the  bay  were  to  fire  on  our  ships  when  passing  in  or 
out.  Permission  was  granted  and  he  was  told  to 
return  the  following  morning.  When  he  came  he 
was  put  on  board  the  Raleigh,  which  was  sent,  with 
the  Baltimore  as  escort,  to  demand  the  surrender  of 
all  the  defences  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay.  The 
surrender  was  made  and  the  garrisons  disarmed. 
The  next  day  I  had  the  Boston  and  Concord  land 
parties,  who  disabled  the  guns  and  brought  their 
breech-plugs  off  to  the  ships.  All  the  ammunition 
found,  as  it  was  of  a  calibre  unsuited  to  any  of  our 
guns,  was  destroyed. 

Meanwhile,  to  my  surprise,  on  the  morning  of 
May  2,  the  Spanish  flag  was  seen  to  be  again  flying 
over  the  Cavite  arsenal.  Captain  Lamberton  was 
sent  at  once  to  inquire  what  it  meant,  and  to  demand 
a  formal  surrender.  He  went  over  to  Cavite  in  the 
Petrel,  and  upon  leaving  her  to  go  on  shore  gave  in- 
structions that  in  case  he  did  not  return  within  an 
hour  she  was  to  open  fire  on  the  arsenal.  Upon 
landing  he  found  the  Spanish  soldiers  and  sailors 
under  arms,  and  in  answer  to  his  inquiry,  what  was 
meant  by  this  and  by  the  hoisting  of  the  Spanish 
colors,  he  was  informed  by  the  Spanish  commandant, 
Captain  Sostoa,  that  the  colors  had  been  lowered 
the  day  before  only  as  token  of  a  temporary  truce. 
Captain  Lamberton's  reply  to  this  evasive  excuse 
was  an  ultimatum  that  if  the  white  flag  were  not 
hoisted  by  noon  he  would  open  fire. 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA   BAY      227 

Captain  Sostoa  then  asked  for  time  in  which  to 
refer  the  matter  to  Madrid,  and  this  being  refused, 
for  time  to  refer  it  to  the  authorities  at  Manila.  But 
he  was  informed  that  only  an  unconditional  surren- 
der of  officers,  men,  and  arms  would  be  considered. 
Captain  Lamberton  then  returned  to  the  Petrel,  and 
at  11.35  tne  white  flag  was  hoisted  by  the  order  of 
Admiral  Montojo;  and  it  was  this  order,  peculiarly 
enough,  and  not  the  loss  of  his  squadron,  that  led  to 
his  court-martial  upon  his  return  to  Spain.  Shortly 
afterward  all  the  Spanish  officers  and  men  evacuated 
the  place.  Possibly  imperfect  knowledge  of  each 
other's  language  by  Captain  Lamberton  and  Cap- 
tain Sostoa  led  to  a  misunderstanding  of  our  terms 
by  the  Spaniards.  In  a  way  this  was  fortunate  for 
us,  as  we  were  in  no  position  to  take  care  of  prisoners. 
We  had  what  we  needed:  possession  of  the  arsenal, 
with  its  machinery,  workshops,  and  supplies,  as  a 
base  for  future  operations. 

It  was  not  until  May  4,  however,  when  all  the 
aftermath  of  the  details  of  the  victory  had  been 
cared  for,  that  I  found  it  convenient  to  send  the 
McCulloch  to  Hong  Kong  to  transmit  to  Washing- 
ton the  complete  news  of  what  the  squadron  had 
accomplished,  where  already  many  misleading  reports 
had  been  received  from  Spanish  sources.  Before 
the  cable  was  cut  the  captain-general,  in  a  communi- 
cation to  his  government,  had  acknowledged  his  se- 
vere loss,  yet  intimated  that  the  American  squadron 


228  GEORGE  DEWEY 

had  been  repulsed;  while  other  cables  affirmed  that 
our  casualties  were  heavy.1 

But  the  newspapers  of  May  2  had  had  a  brief 
announcement  of  the  victory,  one  of  which  had  been 
sent  by  the  operator  at  the  Manila  cable  station 
before  the  cable  was  cut.  Senator  Redfield  Proctor, 
of  Vermont,  who  had  been  responsible  for  my  assign- 
ment to  the  command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron,  felt 
that  he  had  a  personal  cause  for  jubilation,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  2d  he  wrote  the  following  note, 
in  his  characteristic  vein,  to  President  McKinley: 

"  I  feel  well  this  morning. 

"You  may  remember  that  you  gave,  at  my  ear- 
nest request,  the  direction  to  Secretary  Long  to  as- 
sign Commodore  Dewey  to  the  Asiatic  Squadron. 
You  will  find  you  made  no  mistake;  and  I  want  to 
say  that  he  will  be  as  wise  and  safe,  if  there  are 
political  duties  devolving  on  him,  as  he  is  forcible  in 
action.  There  is  no  better  man  in  discretion  and 
safe  judgment.  We  may  run  him  against  you  for 
President.  He  would  make  a  good  one/' 

The  President  now  gave  me  the  same  rank  of  act- 
ing rear-admiral  that  Captain  Sampson,  command- 

1"Last  night,  April  30,  the  batteries  at  the  entrance  to  the  port 
announced  the  arrival  of  the  enemy's  squadron,  forcing  a  passage  under 
the  obscurity  of  the  night.  At  daybreak  the  enemy  took  up  posi- 
tion, opening  with  a  strong  fire  against  Fort  Cavite  and  the  arsenal. 
Our  fleet  engaged  the  enemy  in  a  brilliant  combat,  protected  by  the 
Cavite  and  Manila  forts.  They  obliged  the  enemy  with  heavy  loss 
to  manoeuvre  repeatedly.  At  nine  o'clock  the  American  squadron 
took  refuge  behind  the  foreign  shipping  on  the  east  side  of  the  bay." — 
(Cablegram  of  the  Spanish  captain-general  to  Madrid,  May  I,  1898.) 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      229 

ing  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  had  already  re- 
ceived. Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
squadron  commander,  its  officers  and  men,  and  all 
anxiety  for  the  safety  of  the  Pacific  coast  was  re- 
lieved. One  of  the  most  gratifying  cables  was  this: 
"Every  American  is  your  debtor.  Roosevelt." 

Not  until  many  weeks  later,  when  the  mails  began 
to  arrive,  did  I  fully  realize  how  the  victory  had  elec- 
trified the  whole  United  States.  One  of  the  first  con- 
gratulatory letters  received  I  particularly  prize.  It 
was  written  by  my  old  friend  John  Hay,  then  am- 
bassador to  England,  in  the  delightful  phrase  of 
which  he  was  a  master.  He  spoke  of  the  "mingled 
wisdom  and  daring"  of  our  entrance  into  the  bay, 
which  has  always  seemed  to  me  as  fine  a  compliment 
as  any  naval  officer  could  receive. 

The  victory  had  put  a  stop  to  the  talk  of  European 
intervention.  It  had  set  a  pace  to  be  followed  in  the 
operations  on  the  Atlantic  coast  and  had  checked  the 
mendacious  slanders  about  our  navy  which  had  been 
circulated  broadcast  throughout  continental  Europe. 
There  were  reports  of  utter  lack  of  discipline  and 
that  our  crews  were  entirely  foreign  mercenaries. 
Perhaps,  in  comparison  with  some  foreign  navies,  we 
lacked  the  etiquette  of  discipline,  which  is  imma- 
terial if  the  spirit  of  discipline  exists.  We  had  the 
spirit — efficient,  dependable,  and  intelligent.  "The 
man  behind  the  gun"  was  not  a  foreigner.  With  the 
development  of  the  new  navy  the  percentage  of 


230  GEORGE  DEWEY 

American-born  seamen  had  rapidly  increased.  It 
was  about  eighty  per  cent  in  my  squadron. 

In  his  war  proclamation,  April  23,  1898,  the 
Spanish  captain-general  had  declared  that  the  North 
American  people  were  "constituted  of  all  the  social 
excrescences."  He  spoke  of  us  as  a  "squadron 
manned  by  foreigners  possessing  neither  instruction 
nor  discipline,"  which  was  "unacquainted  with  the 
rights  of  property"  and  had  come  "to  kidnap  those 
persons  whom  they  consider  useful  to  man  their 
ships  or  to  be  exploited  in  agricultural  or  indus- 
trial labor.  .  .  .  Vain  designs !  Ridiculous  boastings ! 
.  .  .  They  shall  not  profane  the  tombs  of  your 
fathers,  they  shall  not  gratify  their  lustful  passions 
at  the  cost  of  your  wives'  and  daughters'  honor,  or 
appropriate  the  property  your  industry  has  accumu- 
lated as  a  provision  for  your  old  age." 

The  author  of  this  proclamation,  I  was  told,  was 
not  the  captain-general  himself,  but  the  Archbishop 
of  Manila,  who  as  head  of  the  church  in  the  Philip- 
pines was  ex  officio  a  member  of  the  general  council 
of  the  colony.  Some  months  later  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  entertaining  him  on  board  the  Olympia.  In  his 
honor  I  had  the  ship's  company  paraded.  As  he 
saw  the  fine  young  fellows  march  past  his  surprise 
at  their  appearance  was  manifest. 

"Admiral,  you  must  be  very  proud  to  command 
such  a  body  of  men,"  he  said  finally. 

"Yes,  I  am,"  I  declared;   "and  I  have  just  the 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      231 

same  kind  of  men  on  board  all  the  other  ships  in  the 
harbor." 

"Admiral,  I  have  been  here  for  thirty  years,"  he 
concluded.  "I  have  seen  the  men-of-war  of  all  the 
nations,  but  never  have  I  seen  anything  like  this" 
(as  he  pointed  to  the  Olympias  crew). 

In  view  of  the  language  of  the  proclamation,  I 
considered  this  generous  admission  very  illuminating. 

But  better  than  winning  the  esteem  of  foreigners 
was  winning  that  of  our  own  people.  They  could 
have  had  none  too  great  confidence  in  their  navy 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  or  else  there  would  not 
have  been  such  a  popular  cry  to  have  the  Atlantic 
coast  guarded  against  possible  ravages  by  Cervera's 
squadron. 

It  was  the  ceaseless  routine  of  hard  work  and 
preparation  in  time  of  peace  that  won  Manila  and 
Santiago.  Valor  there  must  be,  but  it  is  a  secondary 
factor  in  comparison  with  strength  of  material  and 
efficiency  of  administration.  Valor  the  Spaniards 
displayed,  and  in  the  most  trying  and  adverse  cir- 
cumstances. The  courageous  defence  made  by  all 
the  vessels  of  the  Spanish  squadron,  the  desperate  at- 
tempt of  the  Reina  Cristina  to  close  with  the  Olym- 
pia,  and  the  heroic  conduct  of  her  captain,  who,  after 
fighting  his  ship  until  she  was  on  fire  and  sinking, 
lost  his  own  life  in  his  attempt  to  save  his  wounded 
men,  can  only  excite  the  most  profound  admiration 
and  pity. 


232  GEORGE  DEWEY 

But  what  might  not  have  been  accomplished  had 
this  courage  been  properly  directed  and  had  there 
been  appreciation  of  the  importance  of  preparation  ? 
For  three  months  war  had  been  imminent,  and  al- 
though the  Spanish  government  was  highly  repre- 
hensible for  its  unaccountable  inertia,  and  Spanish 
indolence  and  climatic  influences  must  bear  their 
share  of  blame,  nothing  can  excuse  the  Spanish  au- 
thorities in  the  Philippines  for  neglecting  to  utilize 
the  materials  of  defence  already  in  their  possession. 

The  approach  of  our  squadron  had  been  reported 
from  Bolinao  in  the  morning  and  from  Subig  in  the 
afternoon  the  day  before  the  battle,  yet  the  Spanish 
admiral  that  very  evening  left  his  flag-ship  and  went 
over  to  Manila,  five  miles  distant,  to  attend  a  recep- 
tion given  by  his  wife.  He  was  driving  back  to 
Cavite  by  carriage  at  the  same  hour  that  our  squad- 
ron was  passing  through  the  Boca  Grande.  Many 
of  his  officers,  following  his  example,  passed  the  night 
ashore  and  were  seen  returning  to  their  ships  early 
on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  after  the  firing  had 
actually  begun. 

To  us  it  seems  almost  incomprehensible  that  the 
guns  of  Caballo  and  Corregidor  and  Punta  Restinga 
failed  to  fire  on  our  ships;  that  when  our  vessels 
were  hampered  by  the  narrow  waters  of  the  entrance 
there  was  no  night  attack  by  the  many  small  vessels 
possessed  by  the  Spaniards;  and  that  during  the  ac- 
tion neither  the  Isla  de  Cuba  nor  the  Isla  de  Luzon, 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY      233 

each  of  them  protected  by  an  armored  deck  and 
fitted  with  two  torpedo-tubes,  made  any  attempt  to 
torpedo  our  ships. 

Naturally,  the  Spanish  government  attempted  to 
make  a  scape-goat  of  poor  Admiral  Montojo,  the  vic- 
tim of  their  own  shortcomings  and  maladministration, 
and  he  was  soon  afterward  ordered  home  and  brought 
before  a  court-martial.  It  was  some  satisfaction  to 
know  that  a  factor  in  influencing  the  court  in  con- 
cluding that  he  had  fulfilled  his  duty  in  a  courageous 
manner  was  a  letter  from  me1  testifying  to  his  gal- 
lantry in  the  action,  which  I  was  glad  to  give  in 
response  to  his  request. 

1  Appendix  D. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
AFTER  THE  BATTLE 

THERE  was  little  leisure  or  rest,  either  for  myself 
or  my  subordinates,  in  the  early  days  of  May.  We 
had  to  inaugurate  a  system  to  meet  the  conditions 
which  were  the  result  of  the  battle.  The  blockade 
of  Manila  must  be  established  and  enforced;  immu- 
nity from  surprise  or  attack  by  the  Spaniards  insured; 
Cavite  arsenal  must  be  occupied,  its  stores  protected, 
and  its  precincts  policed;  and,  generally,  American 
supremacy  and  military  discipline  must  take  the 
place  of  chaos. 

About  ii  A.  M.,  on  the  2d  of  May,  the  British 
consul,  Mr.  E.  H.  Rawson-Walker,  who  was  acting 
as  gerant  of  United  States  consular  affairs,  came  on 
board  the  Olympia  to  make  an  official  call.  During 
many  weeks  to  come  he  was  to  perform  a  most  valu- 
able service  in  his  efforts  to  render  the  lot  of  the 
foreign  residents  as  little  onerous  as  possible  under 
what,  to  them,  were  most  trying  conditions.  I  asked 
him  to  remain  to  luncheon  with  me.  While  we  were 
waiting  for  it  to  be  announced  and  he  was  telling  me 
about  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  city,  I  was  in- 
formed that  the  shore  batteries  of  Manila  were  being 
manned.  As  a  matter  of  precaution,  the  ships  were 
234 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  235 

signalled  to  go  to  general  quarters;  but  at  the  same 
time  I  told  the  consul  he  need  have  no  fear  of  the 
batteries  opening  fire.  So  we  sat  down  to  our  meal, 
which  was  not  interrupted  by  any  shots. 

This  incident  had  its  effect.  The  consul  agreed 
with  me  that,  in  view  of  the  possibility  of  some  irre- 
sponsible person  in  the  batteries  firing  on  the  ships 
and  thus  precipitating  a  bombardment  of  the  city, 
it  would  be  advisable  to  remove  the  temptation. 
Late  that  afternoon  the  ships  all  took  up  an  anchor- 
age nearer  our  base  off  the  Cavite  arsenal,  which  was 
retained  until  the  attack  on  Manila  in  the  following 
August. 

During  the  night,  between  the  departure  of  the 
Spaniards  and  the  landing  of  our  guards  at  Cavite, 
there  had  been  some  looting  on  the  part  of  the  na- 
tives. But  the  next  morning  the  place  was  well  po- 
liced by  our  forces  and  all  disorder  checked.  Com- 
mander E.  P.  Wood,  of  the  Petrel,  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  arsenal,  government  buildings,  and 
stores;  the  machinery,  docks,  and  workshops  were 
utilized  for  our  ships,  and,  later,  the  many  resources 
of  the  place  were  employed  not  only  in  keeping  our 
squadron  in  good  condition,  but  also  in  making  re- 
pairs upon  the  other  naval  vessels  and  army  trans- 
ports which  later  arrived  from  home. 

Working  parties  were  at  once  landed  to  bury  the 
dead,  and  all  our  surgeons  were  sent  ashore  to  aid 
in  attending  the  Spanish  sick  and  wounded.  Ar- 


236  GEORGE  DEWEY 

rangements  were  soon  made  to  send  the  sick  and 
wounded,  numbering  four  hundred  and  ninety,  to 
Manila.  Captain  Lamberton  took  charge  of  their 
removal  upon  the  capturecj  steamer  Isabel,  flying 
the  Red  Cross  flag,  and  later  of  their  transfer  to  the 
Spanish  authorities.  A  detail  of  marines  was  sent 
to  act  as  stretcher-men  in  moving  those  unable  to 
walk  from  the  hospital  to  the  steamer.  The  sisters, 
who  were  acting  as  nurses,  received  the  marines  with 
every  sign  of  abject  fear  and  horror.  They  had  read 
the  Spanish  captain-general's  proclamation  about  the 
fiendish  nature  of  the  American  barbarian,  and  fully 
expected  to  be  subjected  to  outrage. 

In  establishing  the  blockade  all  merchant-vessels 
in  the  bay  were  assigned  an  appropriate  anchorage 
outside  the  zone  of  possible  naval  operations.  All 
arriving  merchant-vessels  were  boarded  off  the  Bocas 
as  soon  as  sighted  in  the  offing,  informed  of  the 
blockade  and  warned  off,  unless  laden  with  coal. 
In  that  event  they  were  allowed  to  enter  and  their 
cargoes  taken  for  our  squadron  at  the  current  market 
rate. 

Men-of-war  of  various  nationalities  soon  made 
their  appearance.  They  were  allowed  to  enter  with- 
out hindrance  other  than  being  boarded  to  establish 
their  identity,  thoroughly  informed  of  the  actual 
conditions  of  affairs,  given  an  anchorage  off  the  city, 
and  permitted  to  communicate  with  their  country- 
men and  with  the  Spanish  officials.  They  were  al- 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  237 

lowed  to  carry  the  mails  for  Manila,  and,  with  a 
single  exception,  the  consideration  which  I  tried  to 
show  was  never  abused.  Commercially,  the  block- 
ade was  always  vigorously  enforced,  and  from  May  I 
until  the  surrender  of  the  city  on  August  13  the 
great  trade  of  Manila  was  entirely  suspended. 

When,  on  May  4,  I  sent  the  McCulloch  to  Hong 
Kong  with  my  cable  reporting  the  victory  *  the  Bos- 
ton and  Concord  convoyed  her  beyond  the  Bocas. 
This  precaution,  taken  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
there  were  known  to  be  over  twenty  Spanish  gun- 
boats stationed  in  various  parts  of  the  Philippines, 
was  soon  deemed  unnecessary,  and  all  subsequent 
trips  were  made  without  fear  of  molestation.  When 
she  returned,  on  May  n,  bringing  the  news  of 
my  promotion,  with  the  congratulations  of  the 
President  and  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  the  broad 
pennant  of  a  commodore  was  hauled  down  and  a 
rear-admiral's  flag  hoisted  on  board  the  Olympia. 

Incidentally,  I  may  say  that  the  bundle  of  con- 
gratulatory cables  from  chambers  of  commerce,  clubs, 
corporations,  and  individuals  showing  the  enthusiasm 
at  home  was  even  more  surprising  to  my  officers  than 
to  me.  There  was  a  feeling  in  the  squadron  that, 
after  all,  we  were  away  from  the  main  theatre  of 
war,  which  was  in  the  Atlantic,  where  our  battle-ship 
squadron  was  also  looking  for  the  Spaniards.  Pro- 
fessional opinion  sharing  none  of  the  public's  fear 

1  Appendix  B. 


238  GEORGE  DEWEY 

of  the  outcome,  we  were  certain  of  the  decisive  suc- 
cess of  Rear-Admiral  Sampson's  squadron  in  any 
engagement.  But  I  had  reminded  my  officers  that 
if  ours  were  really  the  first  blow  of  the  war,  it  must 
be  appreciated  at  home.  In  view  of  the  evident 
gratification  of  the  government  and  the  public  at 
what  we  had  accomplished,  I  hastened  to  recommend 
that  Lamberton,  my  chief  of  staff,  and  all  my  cap- 
tains be  advanced  ten  numbers.  Their  aid  had  made 
success  possible. 

On  May  12  an  amusing  incident  occurred.  A 
Spanish  gun-boat,  the  Callao,  was  sighted  coming  in. 
The  Raleigh  was  promptly  under  way  to  overhaul 
her,  and,  joined  by  the  Olympia  and  Baltimore,  fired 
a  few  shots  before  she  surrendered.  She  had  sailed 
from  some  remote  spot  in  the  islands  where  it  was 
not  known  that  war  existed  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain,  and  her  commander  was  utterly 
dumfounded  when  he  was  received  with  shotted  guns 
from  foreign  men-of-war  in  Spanish  waters. 

He  was  a  young  fellow,  and  his  crew  were  mostly 
natives,  including  only  three  or  four  Spaniards.  I 
told  him  that  all  could  take  their  parole,  but  he  an- 
swered that  the  Spanish  regulations  would  not  permit 
the  acceptance  of  a  parole. 

"You,  sir,"  he  said  quite  dramatically,  "who  are 
old  enough  to  be  my  father,  advise  me  what  to  do 
in  this  emergency.  If  I  go  to  Manila  saying  that  I 
have  been  paroled,  I  shall  be  shot." 


AFTER  THE   BATTLE  239 

"Then  you  may  go  without  parole,'*  I  said,  as 
he  and  his  crew  would  be  only  an  encumbrance  as 
prisoners. 

The  very  next  day  the  Callao,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Tappan,  was  doing  duty  as  a  gun-boat 
in  our  service  by  boarding  vessels  off  the  Bocas.  We 
also  commissioned  the  armed  transport  Manila, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant-Commander  Frederic 
Singer.  The  Barcelo,  Rapido,  Hercules,  and  other 
small  craft  that  had  been  captured  were  all  trans- 
formed into  auxiliaries  which  became  valuable  on 
patrol  and  messenger  duty. 

My  instructions  sent  by  Acting-Secretary  Roose- 
velt had  said  that  I  was  to  conduct  offensive  opera- 
tions in  the  Philippine  Islands.  My  idea  first  and 
last  was  to  obey  them  in  spirit  and  letter  until  I 
was  otherwise  ordered.  While  we  remained  at  war 
with  Spain  our  purpose  must  be  to  strike  at  the 
power  of  Spain  wherever  possible.  The  question  of 
making  the  Philippine  Islands  United  States  terri- 
tory was  one  of  policy  for  the  nation  at  home  to 
decide,  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  my  duties  as 
a  naval  officer. 

When  I  sent  the  McCulloch  to  Hong  Kong  again, 
on  May  13,  in  my  report  of  conditions  I  once  more 
emphasized  the  fact  that  I  could  take  .the  city  at 
any  moment ;  and  now  I  impressed  upon  the  govern- 
ment at  home  the  necessity,  if  it  were  our  intention 
to  occupy  Manila,  that  a  force  of  occupation  should 


24o  GEORGE  DEWEY 

immediately  be  sent.  For  this  purpose  I  estimated 
that  five  thousand  well-equipped  troops  would  be 
necessary,  and  they  would  have  been  sufficient  if  we 
had  had  to  deal  alone  with  the  Spaniards  and  not 
with  a  native  insurrection.  We  had  the  city  under 
our  guns,  as  Farragut  had  New  Orleans  under  his. 
But  naval  power  can  reach  no  farther  ashore.  For 
tenure  of  the  land  you  must  have  the  man  with  a 
rifle. 

The  position  of  the  squadron  was  one  of  peculiar 
isolation.  It  must  be  six  days  by  way  of  Hong  Kong 
before  I  could  receive  an  answer  to  any  communica- 
tion to  Washington.  The  supply  ship  Zafiro,  which 
came  to  be  regularly  employed  for  these  trips,  inva- 
riably had  one  of  our  officers  in  charge.  His  author- 
ity gave  the  vessel  an  official  character,  enabling  her 
to  fly  a  pennant  and  insuring  her  an  immunity  from 
the  many  red-tape  restrictions  and  charges  to  which 
merchant-vessels  are  subjected.  She  brought  from 
China  delicacies  which  greatly  mitigated  the  dis- 
comforts of  blockade  duty,  with  its  attendant  sea- 
fare.  In  Manila  Bay  a  little  fruit  or  a  few  fresh  eggs 
might  occasionally  be  purchased  from  the  natives, 
but  in  such  small  quantities  as  to  admit  of  no  gen- 
eral distribution. 

In  the  purchase  of  supplies,  however,  the  officer 
in  charge  of  the  Zafiro  had  to  exercise  discretion,  and 
particularly  in  their  embarkation.  The  British  au- 
thorities were  personally  so  cordial  and  so  inclined  to 


AFTER  THE   BATTLE  241 

be  fair  in  their  construction  of  the  laws  of  neutrality 
that  I  thought  we  should  be  very  careful,  on  our  side, 
to  commit  no  act  that  could  be  misconstrued.  Both 
fresh  meat  and  vegetables  were  bought  by  Chinese 
compradors  from  Chinese  merchants,  and  sent  off 
to  the  Zafiro  in  small  quantities  under  cover  of  night. 
Happily,  we  had  the  fact  in  our  favor  that  the  Brit- 
ish part  of  Hong  Kong  harbor  only  extends  to  a  cer- 
tain limit;  beyond  this  the  Chinese  authorities  have 
control.  Therefore  the  Zafiro  could  be  anchored  in 
the  Chinese  zone  whenever  she  took  on  board  coal 
or  provisions. 

Of  course  the  Spanish  consul  at  Hong  Kong  was 
on  the  lookout.  Indeed,  his  activity,  if  it  could  have 
been  transmitted  to  the  Spanish  army  and  navy  in 
the  Philippines  during  the  period  of  preparation  for 
war,  might  have  made  the  victory  of  May  i  less 
easily  won.  At  one  time  the  British  colonial  authori- 
ties made  a  point  that  our  use  of  the  cable  for  mili- 
tary purposes  was  a  breach  of  neutrality  and  could 
not  be  permitted.  Lieutenant  Walter  McLean,  the 
officer  then  in  charge  of  the  Zafiro,  having  made 
proper  representations  in  answer,  was  allowed  to  be 
the  judge  or  censor  of  our  cablegrams.  Thus,  all 
that  he  chose  to  pass  would  be  accepted  and  for- 
warded. 

Only  by  efficient  enforcement  of  the  blockade 
could  we  be  certain  that  no  contraband  of  war  reached 
the  Spaniards  in  Manila.  The  glint  of  a  sail  or  a 


242  GEORGE  DEWEY 

trail  of  smoke  on  the  horizon  was  quickly  detected 
by  our  lookout.  No  sooner  was  either  one  reported 
than  the  signal  flags  from  the  Olympia  despatched  a 
vessel  to  overhaul  and  investigate  the  stranger. 

Upon  one  occasion  a  small  craft  emerged  from 
an  inlet  of  the  bay  and  was  seen  making  for  Manila. 
The  McCullock,  being  sent  in  chase,  soon  overhauled 
and  captured  her.  She  proved  to  be  the  Spanish 
gun-boat  Leyte,  which  we  immediately  utilized  for 
our  service.  She  had  fled  from  the  scene  of  action 
on  May  i,  and  with  some  refugees  on  board  had  run 
up  one  of  the  rivers  to  the  northward  and  westward  of 
the  city.  Her  commander  had  hoped  to  escape  out 
of  the  bay  by  night,  but  finding  us  so  watchful  and 
himself  short  of  provisions  and  harried  by  the  insur- 
gents, he  finally  decided  to  make  for  Manila,  or,  fail- 
ing that,  to  surrender. 

Our  squadron  was  maintained  in  constant  readi- 
ness to  resist  attack  and  every  ship  was  prepared 
to  get  under  way  at  a  moment's  notice.  Many  mer- 
chant-steamers, tugs,  launches,  and  coastwise  vessels 
were  lying  in  the  harbor  in  enforced  idleness  and  avail- 
able for  any  purpose.  Meanwhile,  the  officers  and 
crews  of  Admiral  Montojo's  sunken  squadron  were  in 
the  city.  Presumably  they  must  chafe  under  the 
recollection  of  their  defeat.  The  officers  had  shown 
their  courage  in  battle.  It  stood  to  reason  that 
they  would  not  hesitate  at  any  desperate  -undertak- 
ing of  the  kind  that  made  Cushing's  destruction  of 


AFTER  THE   BATTLE  243 

the  Albemarle  so  notable,  in  order  to  strike  a  blow 
for  their  country.  Moreover,  they  would  have  the 
technical  knowledge  essential  for  the  use  of  torpedoes. 

Indeed,  it  was  inconceivable  to  our  own  officers 
that  any  service  could  show  such  professional  inert- 
ness as  that  of  the  Spaniards  during  the  blockade. 
We  were  always  apprehensive  lest  their  apparent  in- 
action was  merely  a  ruse  to  lull  us  into  a  sense  of 
security.  At  all  events,  it  was  my  duty  to  take  every 
precaution  against  any  form  of  surprise  which  I 
would  take  against  the  most  energetic  enemy. 

Meanwhile,  I  received  from  time  to  time  alarm- 
ing rumors  and  reports.  On  May  20  the  insurgents 
brought  me  circumstantial  information  that  the  Span- 
iards would  try  to  recover  Cavite  by  an  attack  from 
the  land  side  that  night.  The  Petrel  and  Callao  were 
ordered  into  a  position  commanding  the  navy  yard, 
and  the  rest  of  the  squadron  was  on  the  qui  vive; 
but  morning  came  without  a  sign  of  any  movement 
on  shore.  Again,  toward  the  middle  of  June,  there 
was  a  circumstantial  warning  of  a  torpedo  attack. 
All  preparations  were  made  to  receive  it.  Steam 
was  kept  up  on  the  small  boats,  while  the  Boston, 
Concord,  and  Callao  were  sent  at  3  A.  M.  to  search 
the  waters  of  the  bay  in  the  vicinity  of  Manila.  But, 
as  usual,  nothing  happened. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  our  continual  watch- 
fulness was  actually  tested  by  a  German  man-of- 
war's  steam-launch.  This  was  the  first  and  only 


244  GEORGE  DEWEY 

occasion  that  any  launch  of  the  numerous  foreign 
men-of-war  in  the  harbor  which  had  gathered  to  ob- 
serve the  operations  had  approached  one  of  our  ves- 
sels after  dark;  for,  naturally,  it  was  known  that  any 
squadron  in  time  of  war  will  take  no  risks  in  allow- 
ing small  craft  to  approach  it  at  night.  When  the 
German  launch  was  picked  up  by  the  search-lights  of 
our  vessels  she  continued  to  advance.  Her  true  nat- 
ure was  not  readily  determined  at  once,  and,  as  I  had 
observed  her  myself  from  the  quarter-deck,  I  ordered 
a  six-pounder  shot  fired  over  her,  while  the  marine 
watch  on  duty  opened  a  small-arm  fire.  She  stopped, 
and  then  we  identified  a  small  German  flag  being 
waved  by  her  coxswain. 

A  picket  was  sent  to  inspect  her  and  to  bring  her 
officer  to  the  flag-ship.  He  appeared  rather  flurried 
by  his  narrow  escape.  Apparently  he  was  impressed 
when  I  informed  him  of  the  great  danger  that  any 
small  craft  ran  in  approaching  a  squadron  after  dark 
in  time  of  war.  I  expressed  the  hope  that  hereafter 
German  boats  would  be  sent  only  during  the  day, 
as  otherwise  a  distressing  accident  might  unavoidably 
occur. 

Being  thus  constantly  upon  the  alert  by  night, 
while  by  day,  in  spite  of  the  tropical  heat,  the  crews 
were  continually  exercised  at  sub-calibre  practice 
and  ship  drills,  and  still  further  taxed  by  the  neces- 
sity of  sending  working  parties  on  shore  .to  the  Ca- 
vite  arsenal  machine-shops,  the  intervening  months 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  245 

between  the  victory  and  the  occupation  of  Manila 
by  the  troops  proved  very  trying  to  officers  and  men. 
But  they  had  in  mind  the  fate  of  the  Maine  when 
lying  at  anchor  in  a  Spanish  harbor,  and  there  was 
no  inclination  to  relaxation  of  vigilance  on  their  part. 

As  for  myself,  I  have  ever  been  a  very  early  riser. 
I  was  always  about  the  ship  before  daylight,  while 
Chief  of  Staff  Lamberton  and  Flag-Lieutenant  Brum- 
by divided  the  night  between  them  into  watches. 
The  strain  had  soon  told  upon  Captain  Gridley,  and 
on  May  25  he  was  condemned  by  a  medical  survey 
and  started  for  home,  where  he  was  never  to  arrive 
alive.  Captain  Lamberton  succeeded  him  in  com- 
mand of  the  flag-ship,  but  still  remained  a  close  ad- 
viser, while  heavier  duties  devolved  upon  Brumby, 
to  whose  unswerving  industry,  loyalty,  and  high  in- 
telligence I  owe  an  everlasting  debt. 

Among  the  situations  with  which  I  had  to  deal 
promptly  as  they  arose,  when  I  could  not  delay  to 
consult  Washington,  the  most  complicated  was  that 
of  the  Filipino  insurgents.  Before  the  squadron  had 
left  Hong  Kong  a  cable,  dated  April  24,  had  been 
received  from  our  consul-general  at  Singapore,  saying 
that  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  insurgent  chief,  was  at 
Singapore  and  would  proceed  to  Hong  Kong  to  see 
me  if  I  so  desired.  I  requested  him  to  come,  as  it 
was  possible  that  he  might  have  valuable  informa- 
tion to  impart  at  a  time  when  no  source  of  informa- 
tion was  to  be  neglected. 


246  GEORGE  DEWEY 

He  came  to  Hong  Kong,  but  did  not  arrive  until 
after  the  departure  of  our  squadron.  Upon  the  first 
visit  of  the  McCulloch  to  Hong  Kong,  he  and  several 
other  insurgent  leaders  applied  for  transportation  to 
Cavite.  In  the  absence  of  any  orders  on  the  sub- 
ject, Lieutenant  Brumby  refused  to  grant  the  re- 
quest, but  promised  to  take  up  the  matter  with  me. 
On  the  second  trip  of  the  McCulloch  I  sent  Ensign 
Caldwell,  with  instruction  to  allow  Aguinaldo  and 
three  or  four  of  his  colleagues  passage  on  board  her 
to  Manila. 

Aguinaldo  had  been  at  one  time  a  copyist  in  the 
Cavite  arsenal  under  the  Spanish  regime.  He  was 
not  yet  thirty,  a  soft-spoken,  unimpressive  little  man, 
who  had  enormous  prestige  with  the  Filipino  people. 
Obviously,  as  our  purpose  was  to  weaken  the  Span- 
iards in  every  legitimate  way,  thus  hastening  the 
conclusion  of  hostilities  in  a  war  which  was  made 
to  free  Cuba  from  Spanish  oppression,  operations  by 
the  insurgents  against  Spanish  oppression  in  the 
Philippines  under  certain  restrictions  would  be  wel- 
come. Aguinaldo  was  allowed  to  establish  himself 
in  the  arsenal,  where  he  opened  negotiations  with  his 
compatriots. 

Soon,  however,  the  marine  officer  in  charge  of  the 
guard  of  the  naval  station  was  complaining  about 
the  constant  traversing  of  his  lines  by  scores  of  na- 
tives, who,  of  course,  might  be  friends,  but  might 
equally  well  be  enemies.  As  a  result,  I  sent  for 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  247 

Aguinaldo  and  informed  him  that  he  must  leave  the 
arsenal,  but  I  would  allow  him  to  take  up  his  quar- 
ters in  Cavite  town. 

From  my  observation  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  advis- 
ers I  decided  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  co-operate 
with  him  or  his  adherents  in  an  official  manner. 
Aside  from  permitting  him  to  establish  himself  ashore, 
the  only  aid  rendered  him  was  a  gift  of  some  Mauser 
rifles  and  an  old  smooth-bore  gun  that  had  been  aban- 
doned by  the  Spanish.  He  mounted  the  gun  on  a 
float,  but  I  declined  to  grant  his  request  that  our 
launches  tow  it  across  the  bay.  In  short,  my  policy 
was  to  avoid  any  entangling  alliance  with  the  insur- 
gents, while  I  appreciated  that,  pending  the  arrival 
of  our  troops,  they  might  be  of  service  in  clearing 
the  long  neck  of  land  that  stretches  out  from  Cavite 
Peninsula  to  the  environs  of  Manila.1 

Their  numbers  increasing  by  daily  additions,  the 
Filipinos  slowly  but  surely  drove  the  Spaniards  back 
toward  the  city.  By  day  we  could  see  their  attacks, 
and  by  night  we  heard  their  firing.  We  had  some 
negotiations  with  them  in  regard  to  the  disposition 
of  Spanish  prisoners  and  the  transfer  of  Spanish 
women  and  children  who  had  fallen  into  their  hands ; 
and  again,  at  the  request  of  the  Spanish  captain- 
general,  Don  Basilio  Augustin  Davila,  I  asked  Agui- 
naldo's  good  offices  in  securing  free  passage  through 
the  insurgent  lines  for  Don  Basilio's  own  family, 

1  Appendix  E. 


248  GEORGE  DEWEY 

and  other  Spanish  families  who  were  cut  off  from 
Manila. 

His  answer  expressing  his  willingness  to  grant  my 
request,  if  it  were  in  his  power,  was  interesting  be- 
cause of  its  quaint  English.1 

The  insurgents  fought  well.  Their  success,  I 
think,  was  of  material  importance  in  isolating  our 
marine  force  at  Cavite  from  Spanish  attack  and  in 
preparing  a  foothold  for  our  troops  when  they  should 
arrive.  By  the  end  of  May  they  had  entirely  cleared 
Cavite  Province  of  the  enemy,  and  had  so  nearly 
surrounded  Manila  as  to  cause  a  panic  among  the 
inhabitants.  The  foreign  consuls,  acting  for  their 
apprehensive  compatriots,  now  appealed  to  me  to 
allow  refugees  of  the  various  nationalities  to  leave 

^OBIERNO  DICTATORIAL 
FILIPINAS 

KAVITE,  I4th  June,  1898. 
REAR-ADMIRAL 

GEORGE  DEWEY,  U.  S.  Navy. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  would  have  great  satisfaccion  in  pleasing  you  what  you  are  ask- 
ing me  to  allow  the  free  return  to  Manila  some  Spanish  families  resi- 
dent in  Pampanga  specially  the  General  Mr.  B.  Augustin's. 

I  must  remember  you  that  the  said  Province  my  forces  have  not 
taken  yet,  but  only  surrounded;  reason  of  which  I  see  the  impossi- 
bility to  may  garantee  the  free  pass  that  you  ask. 

Notwithstanding  I  give  to  my  subordinates  terminat  orders  that 
as  soon  as  they  get  in  their  hands  the  said  families,  not  only  keep  the 
habit  considerations  among  the  civilizes  nations,  and  also  treat  them  as 
friends  and  carry  them  to  Manila,  as  soon  as  the  way  will  be  safed 
from  any  risk,  so  as  the  families  and  their  conveyers  and  the  plan  of 
operations  would  allow. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir, 

Yours  respectfully, 

E.  AGUINALDO. 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  249 

the  limits  of  the  city  and  find  asylum  under  my  pro- 
tection. Already,  upon  application  of  the  British 
consul  and  of  Captain  Edward  Chichester,  of  the 
British  cruiser  Immortalite,  the  senior  British  naval 
officer  present,  I  had  permitted  several  Europeans 
and  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  Chinese  to  embark 
in  an  English  steamer  bound  for  Amoy;  and  I  was 
now  equally  willing  to  grant  this  new  request. 

At  first  I  designated  Cavite  town  as  a  place  of 
refuge;  but  after  further  consideration  I  decided  that, 
as  all  the  quarters  and  facilities  of  Cavite  would  be 
needed  for  our  own  troops  upon  their  arrival,  it  would 
be  better  to  employ  some  of  the  many  vessels  then 
lying  idle  off  Manila.  Accordingly,  ten  of  these  were 
chartered  by  the  different  consuls  and  placed  under 
the  flags  of  their  respective  countries,  in  charge  of 
the  different  men-of-war  assembled  off  the  city. 
Later,  three  more,  one  being  assigned  to  the  author- 
ity of  the  British,  one  to  the  French,  and  one  to  the 
German  men-of-war,  were  added  for  the  Spanish 
women  and  children. 

I  was  also  glad  to  consent  to  the  request  of  the 
Spanish  authorities  that  a  number  of  their  wounded 
then  in  a  military  hospital  at  Guadalupe  should  be 
transferred  to  a  ship  in  the  bay  in  charge  of  Cap- 
tain Chichester;  and  through  my  good  offices  the 
insurgents  who  held  the  territory  between  this  hospi- 
tal and  the  sea  allowed  the  wounded  to  pass  through 
the  lines  for  embarkation.  It  was  my  aim  to  do 


250  GEORGE  DEWEY 

everything  consistent  with  military  wisdom  to  mini- 
mize the  rigor  of  the  blockade. 

As  early  as  May  16  the  navy  department  had 
informed  me  that  the  Charleston  and  transports  with 
troops  would  soon  be  despatched.  A  week  later  the 
Peking,  Australia,  and  City  of  Sidney,  with  a  force 
of  twenty-five  hundred  men  under  command  of  Brig- 
adier-General Anderson,  sailed  from  San  Francisco 
for  Honolulu,  bringing  for  the  squadron  a  supply 
of  ammunition  which  I  had  earnestly  requested. 
After  the  depletion  of  our  magazines  and  shell-rooms 
by  the  battle,  I  felt  the  inevitable  solicitude  of 
any  commander  in  the  midst  of  war  who  is  without 
sufficient  ammunition  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  an 
engagement.  This  solicitude  developed  into  anxiety 
when  not  only  had  Spain  despatched  a  stronger  naval 
force  than  my  own,  with  a  view  to  retrieving  the 
disaster  of  May  i,  but  another  nation  was  gathering 
a  powerful  squadron  in  Manila  Bay. 

The  effect  of  the  victory  had  precipitated  a  new 
element  in  the  mastery  of  the  Pacific  and  in  the  in- 
ternational rivalry  for  trade  advantage  in  the  popu- 
lous Orient.  Hitherto  the  United  States  had  been 
considered  a  second-class  power,  whose  foreign  policy 
was  an  unimportant  factor  beyond  the  three-mile 
limit  of  the  American  hemisphere.  By  a  morning's 
battle  we  had  secured  a  base  in  the  Far  East  at  a 
juncture  in  international  relations  when  the  parcel- 
ling out  of  China  among  the  European  powers  seemed 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  251 

imminent.  This  intrusion  of  an  outsider  could  hardly 
be  welcome  in  any  quarter  where  there  was  opposi- 
tion to  the  policy  of  the  "open  door"  and  the  integ- 
rity of  China  which  was  advocated  by  us. 

I  knew  that  the  intervention  of  any  third  power 
or  group  of  powers  while  Sampson  had  yet  to  engage 
Cervera,  or  in  the  critical  event  of  any  set-back  to 
our  arms,  might  have  brought  grave  consequences 
for  us,  while  the  Philippines  were  a  rich  prize  for 
any  ambitious  power;  or,  if  they  remained  Spanish, 
they  were  still  under  the  sovereignty  of  a  nation 
which  could  hardly  be  expected  to  play  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  affairs  of  China. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
A  PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY 

AT  a  dinner  given  me  at  the  White  House  upon 
my  return  home  President  McKinley  mentioned  the 
repeated  statements  in  the  press  about  the  friction 
in  my  relations  with  Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs,  in 
command  of  the  German  Asiatic  Squadron. 

"There  is  no  record  of  it  at  all  on  the  files,"  he 
said. 

"No,  Mr.  President,"  I  answered.  "As  I  was 
on  the  spot  and  familiar  with  the  situation  from  day 
to  day,  it  seemed  best  that  I  look  after  it  myself,  at 
a  time  when  you  had  worries  enough  of  your  own." 

Every  officer  who  had  served  in  the  Civil  War 
had  had  some  experience  with  blockade,  and  some 
observation,  if  not  experience,  of  the  international 
questions  which  it  had  precipitated.  Moreover,  in- 
ternational law  had  been  one  of  my  favorite  studies. 
Before  the  declaration  of  war  with  Spain  I  had  not 
only  considered  the  preparations  for  the  battle,  but 
my  position  in  the  event  of  victory.  (In  the  event 
of  defeat  no  ship  of  our  Asiatic  Squadron  would  have 
been  afloat  to  tell  the  story.) 

I  foresaw  that  I  must  establish  a  blockade,  cut- 

252 


A  PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  253 

ting  off  the  enemy's  commerce  as  the  first  natural 
step  in  weakening  the  'enemy.  Inevitably  the  for- 
eign nations  would  send  their  men-of-war  to  the  bay 
for  purposes  of  observation.  During  the  Civil  War 
English  and  French  cruisers  were  always  going  and 
coming  up  and  down  the  coast  to  see  if  the  blockade 
were  being  maintained.  There  was  rarely  more  than 
one,  and  never  more  than  two  off  one  port  at  a  time. 
The  appearance  of  a  British  or  a  French  naval  force 
larger  than  Dahlgren's  off  Charleston,  or  larger  than 
Farragut's  off  Mobile,  would  have  been  considered  a 
serious  demonstration.  I  must  maintain  the  block- 
ade of  Manila  thoroughly  and  impartially  if  I  were 
to  avoid  remonstrances.  This  I  aimed  to  do  from 
the  moment  of  its  establishment. 

One  might  have  thought  that  the  activity  shown 
by  each  foreign  power  would  be  regulated  by  the  ex- 
tent of  its  commercial  interests  and  the  number  of 
its  subjects  on  shore.  The  British  had  an  overwhelm- 
ing preponderance  in  trade,  in  investment,  and  in 
the  number  of  their  subjects  resident  in  the  Philip- 
pines. They  had  the  largest  naval  force  in  Far  East- 
ern waters  of  any  power.  But  they  never  had  more 
than  three  ships  in  Manila  Bay  at  one  time  during 
the  blockade. 

In  view  of  my  isolation  from  a  home  base,  and 
a  desire  to  avoid  any  difficulties  which  should  cause 
the  government  concern,  it  was  bound  to  be  a  mat- 
ter of  policy,  if  not  of  personal  predilection,  to  allow 


254  GEORGE  DEWEY 

visiting  naval  vessels  every  privilege  consistent  with 
the  principles  of  international  law  in  relation  to  neu- 
trals. As  I  have  previously  stated,  they  were  al- 
lowed to  enter  the  bay  without  any  requirement 
other  than  the  simple  formality  of  being  boarded, 
in  order  to  establish  their  identity,  to  inform  them 
of  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  to  assign  them  an 
anchorage  where  they  would  not  be  in  the  way  of 
operations  if  I  had  to  engage  the  enemy's  batteries 
or  defend  the  squadron  from  any  improvised  night 
torpedo  attack. 

Among  the  early  arrivals  of  foreign  men-of-war, 
besides  the  British  ships  Linnet  (May  2)  and  Im- 
mortalite  (May  7),  were  the  French  cruiser  Brieux 
(May  5),  the  Japanese  cruiser  Itsukushima  (May  10), 
and  the  German  cruisers  Irene  (May  6)  and  Cor- 
moran  (May  9).  Our  flag-ship  was  off  Cavite,  our 
colors  were  flying  over  the  Cavite  naval  station,  and 
our  authority  was  paramount  in  the  bay.  In  view 
of  these  facts,  the  British,  French,  and  Japanese  saw 
and  acted  on  the  obvious  propriety — as  foreign  men- 
of-war  did  in  the  Civil  War — of  reporting  to  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  blockading  force  and  ask- 
ing where  they  should  anchor. 

The  Irene  had  come  from  Nagasaki.  Although 
she  may  not  have  heard  the  news  of  the  victory  be- 
fore leaving  Japan,  she  definitely  had  the  infor- 
mation from  an  English  steamer  the  morning  of  her 
arrival.  Nevertheless,  she  steamed  by  the  Olympia 


A   PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  255 

without  stopping  and  dropped  anchor  where  she 
chose. 

I  regarded  this  as  an  oversight  which  was  a 
breach  of  naval  etiquette,  of  course,  but  not  to  be 
taken  seriously  unless  I  were  inclined  to  insist  on 
punctiliousness.  It  was  only  natural  to  reason  that 
the  captain  of  the  Irene  might  not  be  familiar  with 
the  customs  and  the  laws  of  blockades.  I  knew  the 
German  naval  officers  were  very  self-reliant,  keen  to 
take  offence  about  their  rights,  and  most  ambitious 
to  learn  by  observation,  which  I  always  liked  to 
think  explained  their  subsequent  proceedings.  On 
my  part,  despite  the  exaggerated  reports  which 
should  be  set  at  rest,  let  me  repeat  that  my  only 
object  was  enforcement  of  the  blockade  in  such  a 
manner  as  should  safeguard  my  squadron,  and  leave 
no  room  for  complaint  of  favoritism. 

The  second  German  ship,  the  Cormoran,  came  in 
at  three  in  the  morning.  Naturally,  at  night  it  was 
our  business  to  be  on  the  alert.  When  her  lights 
were  seen  a  steam  launch  was  sent  to  board  her. 
She  gave  no  heed  to  the  steam  launch's  hail.  Even 
though  a  man-of-war  flew  a  German  flag,  it  was  pos- 
sible that  she  was  Spanish,  using  the  German  flag  as 
a  ruse.  According  to  the  laws  of  blockade  it  was 
our  right  and  duty  to  board  and  identify  her. 

In  order  to  get  the  attention  of  the  Cormoran  the 
Raleigh  fired  a  shot  across  her  bows.  Then  she 
promptly  came  to.  Her  captain  was  surprised  at 


256  GEORGE  DEWEY 

our  action,  but  our  boarding  officer  explained  the 
law,  and  also  the  risk  that  a  man-of-war  was  running 
in  coming  into  the  harbor  at  night.  We  had  no 
thought  of  being  discourteous  and  no  desire  to  rouse, 
any  ill  feeling,  and  fully  appreciated  how  our  point 
of  view  had  not  occurred  to  the  captain  of  the  Cor- 
moran  when  he  ran  straight  in  toward  our  squadron 
in  the  dark.  The  shot  across  the  bow  was  not  pro- 
vocative, but  simply  a  form  of  signal  when  other 
signals  had  failed. 

As  early  as  May  20  the  navy  department  had 
cabled  me  that  the  Carlos  V,  Pelayo,  and  Alfonso  II 
and  some  transports  were  reported  to  have  left  Spain 
for  the  East.  I  replied  that  in  event  of  their  arrival 
our  squadron  would  endeavor  to  give  a  good  account 
of  itself.  On  May  27  and  30  I  received  further  cables 
announcing  that  the  monitors  Monterey  and  Monad- 
nock  would  be  sent  to  reinforce  me. 

On  the  1 2th  Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs  arrived 
in  his  flag-ship,  the  Kaiserin  Augusta.  This  made 
three  German  cruisers  in  the  harbor.  I  learned  that 
another  was  expected.  Already,  on  the  6th,  a  Ger- 
man transport,  the  Darmstadt,  bringing  fourteen 
hundred  men  as  relief  crews  for  the  German  vessels, 
had  appeared.  Such  a  transfer,  for  which  I  readily 
gave  permission,  while  it  might  have  been  unusual 
in  a  blockaded  harbor,  might  at  the  same  time  be 
easily  explained  as  a  matter  of  convenience  for  the 
German  squadron  which  was  absent  from  its  regu- 


A  PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  257 

lar  base  at  Kiau  Chau.  The  Darmstadt,  however, 
with  her  force  of  men  nearly  equal  to  the  total 
number  of  my  own  crews,  remained  at  anchor  for 
four  weeks. 

As  my  rank  was  inferior  to  Vice-Admiral  von 
Diedrichs's,  I  made  the  first  call,  in  the  usual  ex- 
change of  visits.  In  the  course  of  conversation  I 
referred  to  the  presence  of  the  large  German  force 
and  to  the  limited  German  interests  in  the  Philip- 
pines (there  was  only  one  German  commercial  house 
in  Manila),  and  this  in  a  courteous  manner,  amount- 
ing to  a  polite  inquiry  which  I  thought  was  war- 
ranted, particularly  in  view  of  the  fact  that  six  days 
had  elapsed  without  the  Darmstadt  transferring  her 
men.  To  this  the  vice-admiral  answered: 

"I  am  here  by  order  of  the  Kaiser,  sir";  from 
which  I  could  only  infer  that  I  had  expressed  myself 
in  a  way  that  excited  his  displeasure. 

In  the  course  of  a  cable  to  the  navy  department 
on  June  12  I  requested  that  the  Monadnock  and 
Monterey  be  expedited.  Meanwhile,  I  had  heard 
nothing  further  of  the  reports  of  the  departure  of  a 
Spanish  squadron  to  the  Far  East,  which  I  might 
set  down  as  a  rumor  that  had  been  unconfirmed. 

In  a  cable  of  June  18  from  Washington,  which 
was  brought  to  Manila  by  the  McCulloch,  which 
had  taken  mine  of  the  I2th,  I  was  informed  that 
Camara's  squadron,  consisting  of  "two  armored 
cruisers,  six  converted  cruisers,  four  destroyers,  re- 


258  GEORGE  DEWEY 

ported  off  Ceuta,  sailing  to  the  East,  by  the  United 
States  consul  at  Gibraltar.  If  they  pass  Suez, 
Egypt,  will  cable  you.  The  Monterey  and  collier 
sailed  for  Manila  from  San  Diego  on  June  u.  The 
Monadnock  and  collier  will  follow  on  June  20,  if 
possible.  .  .  ." 

Within  a  week  there  were  five  German  men-of- 
war  in  the  port,  two  of  them  having  a  heavier  dis- 
placement than  any  of  my  own  ships.  The  Kaiser 
came  in  after  dark  on  June  18.  She  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  launch  sent  to  board  her.  However,  the 
next  morning  she  steamed  over  to  Cavite  and  for- 
mally reported  her  arrival. 

My  idea  of  the  Spaniards  was  that  at  the  first 
sign  of  the  offensive  in  any  direction  Camara  would 
take  the  defensive.  In  answer  to  the  announcement 
that  he  had  sailed  I  cabled  the  department  from 
Hong  Kong,  June  27,  that  in  my  judgment  "if  the 
coast  of  Spain  were  threatened  the  squadron  of  the 
enemy  would  have  to  return."  Peculiarly  enough, 
this  reached  the  department  a  few  hours  after  the 
board  of  strategy  had  advised  that  Commodore 
Watson  be  sent  with  a  squadron  to  make  the  demon- 
stration on  the  coast  of  Spain,  which  it  was  never 
necessary  for  him  to  undertake. 

On  the  26th  Camara  was  at  Port  Said,  from  which 
his  arrival  was  reported  to  me  as  promptly  as  the  in- 
formation could  reach  me  when  I  was  three  days  from 
any  working  cable  station.  He  had  the  two  power- 


A   PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  259 

ful  cruisers  Pelayo,  of  9,000  tons,  and  Carlos  F,  of 
9,200  tons,  while  the  total  displacement  of  my  whole 
squadron  was  only  19^,098  tons.  They  were  so  well 
protected  as  to  be  in  the  armored  class.  They  had 
two  12.6-inch  and  four  u-inch  guns,  while  my  largest 
calibre  was  8-inch.  Alone,  they  were  an  equal  an- 
tagonist for  my  squadron. 

Therefore,  my  desire  for  the  prompt  arrival  of  at 
least  one  of  the  monitors  was  even  more  keen  than 
when  I  had  expressed  it  in  the  cable  of  June  12.     On 
account  of  their  low  freeboard,  scarcely  meant  for 
transoceanic  cruises,  the  monitors  must  make  very 
slow  progress.     But  once  the  Monterey  arrived  I  had   '• 
an  armored  vessel  with  two  12  and  two  10  inch  guns,  1 
which,  though  it  could  manoeuvre  at  only  eight  knots,  j 
was  able  to  deliver  telling  blows  and  withstand  a  fire 
which  would  have  been  most  damaging  to  my  un- 
armored  cruisers. 

With  a  superior  squadron  of  the  enemy  coming, 
with  the  many  perplexities  of  the  blockade,  while  I 
waited  on  the  arrival  of  the  monitors  and  the  trans- 
ports with  troops,  the  latter  days  of  June  were  full 
of  care  for  myself  and  staff.  In  every  cable  from 
Washington  we  looked  for  fresh  news  about  Camara 
and  hoped  for  decisive  action  by  our  troops  and  our 
squadron  at  Santiago  which  would  effectually  dispose 
of  Cervera's  squadron,  thus  leaving  Admiral  Samp- 
son's ships  ready  for  any  fresh  emergency.  Once 
Camara  was  past  Suez,  with  sufficient  coal  for  the 


260  GEORGE  DEWEY 

rest  of  the  cruise,  there  could  be  no  question  but 
that  I  must  be  prepared  to  engage  him. 

Characteristic  of  bold  journalism  was  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  Hearst  to  one  of  his  staff  to  sink  a  ship 
in  the  canal  to  delay  Camara,  which,  however,  his 
subordinate  did  not  carry  out.  Mr.  Watts,  our 
consul-general  at  Cairo,  was  most  active  in  his  repre- 
sentations to  Lord  Cromer,  the  British  adviser  of  the 
Egyptian  government,  for  the  enforcement  of  the 
neutrality  laws.  Thanks  to  his  efforts  and  those  of 
Ambassador  Hay,  in  London,  the  Egyptian  govern- 
ment prohibited  the  sale  of  coal  to  the  Spanish  vessels 
other  than  enough  to  take  them  back  to  Spain,  and 
limited  their  stay  in  port  to  the  usual  period  of 
twenty-four  hours. 

However,  even  after  this  decision  by  the  Egyp- 
tian government,  Camara  remained  at  Port  Said  for 
some  days  attempting  to  purchase  coal,  and,  upon 
this  being  refused  him,  to  transship  coal  from  his  own 
colliers.  He  also  tried  to  enlist  a  force  of  stokers, 
but  Mr.  Watts's  renewed  remonstrances  brought 
forth  a  peremptory  order  for  him  to  depart  at  once. 

After  passing  through  the  canal  he  made  a  stop 
at  Suez,  but  being  warned  off  he  left  the  harbor  and 
anchored  five  miles  offshore,  where  he  was  well  out- 
side the  three-mile  limit  and  thus  free  of  Egyptian 
authority.  He  was  still  in  condition  to  continue  his 
voyage,  it  being  an  easy  matter  for  him  to  have  coaled 
from  his  colliers  in  the  smooth  waters  of  some  of  the 


A   PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  261 

ports  of  the  Red  Sea,  where  neutrality  restrictions 
would  not  have  been  enforced. 

In  the  event  that  Camara  should  arrive  before 
the  Monterey,  as  I  had  reason  at  one  time  to  fear 
that  he  would,  my  plan  was  not  to  wait  in  Manila 
Bay  for  him,  as  Montojo  had  waited  for  our  squadron, 
but  to  take  up  my  position  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  Philippine  archipelago,  from  which  I  should  have 
steamed  out  to  strike  the  enemy's  ships,  hopefully 
by  surprise,  when  they  were  hampered  by  their  trans- 
ports, thus  throwing  them  into  disorder  at  the  out- 
set of  the  engagement.  One  source  of  great  confi- 
dence lay  in  my  veteran  crews.  They  had  already 
fought  the  Spaniards  in  one  battle. 

But  the  necessity  of  another  action  was  averted. 
The  department  had  cabled  on  June  29:  "Squadron 
under  Watson,  Iowa,  Oregon,  Yankee,  Dixie,  Newark, 
and  Yosemite  and  four  colliers,  preparing  with  all  pos- 
sible despatch  to  start  Spanish  coast.  The  Span- 
iards know  this."  The  knowledge  had  the  effect  in- 
tended. On  July  8,  after  the  victory  of  Santiago, 
when  the  whole  of  Sampson's  squadron  was  free  to 
go  to  the  coast  of  Spain,  Camara's  squadron  re-en- 
tered the  Suez  Canal,  and  on  July  n  it  left  Port 
Said  for  Cartagena.  Meanwhile,  on  June  30,  the 
transports  with  the  first  lot  of  our  troops  had  ar- 
rived. They  were  escorted  by  the  cruiser  Charles- 
ton, which  was  a  valuable  reinforcement  to  my  squad- 
ron and  brought  the  supply  of  ammunition  which 
was  vitally  important  if  I  were  to  engage  Camara; 


262  GEORGE  DEWEY 

In  the  latter  part  of  June  and  the  early  days  of 
July  the  Germans,  with  the  industry  with  which 
they  aim  to  make  their  navy  efficient,  were  keeping 
very  busy.  I  saw  that  they  did  not  mean  to  accept 
my  interpretation  of  the  laws  of  blockade.  German 
officers  frequently  landed  in  Manila,  where  they 
were  on  the  most  cordial  terms  with  the  Span- 
iards, who  paid  them  marked  attention;  and,  the 
wish  fathering  the  thought,  the  talk  of  the  town  was 
that  the  Germans  would  intervene  in  favor  of  Spain. 
It  was  well  known  that  Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs 
had  officially  visited  the  Spanish  captain-general  in 
Manila,  who  had  returned  the  call  at  night.  No 
other  senior  foreign  naval  officer  had  exchanged  visits 
with  the  captain-general.  Other  Spanish  officials 
called  on  the  Germans  and  were  saluted  by  the  Ger- 
man vessels,  these  salutes  being  returned  by  the 
Spanish  batteries  on  shore;  but  they  did  not  call  on 
the  other  senior  officers  present  so  far  as  I  know, 
and  certainly  were  not  saluted  if  they  did.  One 
foreign  consul  in  Manila,  I  know,  had  orders  from 
his  government  to  report  the  actions  of  the  Germans 
in  cipher. 

Not  only  did  the  German  officers  frequently  visit 
the  Spanish  troops  and  outposts,  thus  familiarizing 
themselves  with  the  environs  of  Manila,  but  a  Prince 
Lowenstein  was  taken  off  to  the  Kaiserin  Augusta 
by  one  of  Aguinaldo's  staff.  This  came  to  our  knowl- 
edge through  the  fact  that  the  prince  and  his  escort 
had  to  seek  refuge  on  board  an  English  man-of-war 


A   PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  263 

in  a  heavy  sea.  German  man-of-war  boats  took 
soundings  off  Malabon  and  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig 
River,  and  German  seamen  were  sent  to  occupy  the 
light-house  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig  for  some  days. 

These  extracts  from  the  Olympiads  log  are  illu- 
minating as  to  the  activities  of  the  German  ships 
which  were  continually  cruising  about  the  bay  and 
running  in  and  out: 

"June  27 — Irene  returned  from  Mariveles.  Dur- 
ing first  watch  at  night  saw  searchlight  at  entrance 
of  bay.  Kaiserin  Augusta  got  under  way  from  Ma- 
nila anchorage  and  stood  down  the  bay. 

"June  28 — Kaiser  came  in. 

"June  29 — Irene  got  under  way,  steamed  about 
the  upper  bay  and  returned.  Later  again  left  the 
harbor.  Prinzess  Wilhelm  came  in  and  anchored. 
Cormoran  got  under  way  and  stood  down  to  Mari- 
veles. 

"June  30 — Kaiserin  Augusta  came  in  and  an- 
chored off  Manila.  Callao  was  sent  over  to  Manila, 
to  board  her.  Trinidad  with  coal  for  German  Squad- 
ron arrived. 

"July  i — Cormoran  and  Prinzess  Wilhelm  came  in. 

"July  2 — Cormoran  and  German  collier  left. 

"July  3—  Kaiser  left  harbor." 

Finally,  without  my  permission,  they  landed  their 
men  for  drill  at  Mariveles  harbor  opposite  Corregi- 
dor  and  Boca  Chica  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay  and 
took  possession  of  the  quarantine  station,  while 


264  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Admiral  von  Diedrichs  occupied  a  large  house  which 
had  been  the  quarters  of  the  Spanish  officials.  On 
July  5  I  hoisted  my  flag  on  the  McCulloch  and 
steamed  around  the  German  ships  anchored  in  Mari- 
veles,  without,  however,  communicating  with  the 
German  admiral,  while  I  trusted  that  he  might  under- 
stand that  I  did  not  view  his  proceeding  with  favor. 

On  the  6th  I  was  informed  by  the  insurgents  that 
the  Germans  had  been  interfering  with  their  opera- 
tions against  the  Spaniards  in  Subig  Bay.  This  was, 
of  course,  contrary  to  my  policy  to  allow  the  insur- 
gents to  weaken  the  Spaniards  as  far  as  possible,  and 
it  was,  besides,  a  breach  of  neutrality  by  a  neutral 
power.  I  despatched  the  Raleigh  and  Concord  to 
Subig  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  this  report.  They 
found  a  force  of  Spanish  troops  intrenched  on  Isla 
Grande,  and  under  siege  by  the  insurgents.  There 
was  not  a  German  subject  in  the  place.  When  the 
German  cruiser  Irene  appeared  her  captain  had  vis- 
ited the  Spaniards  and  then  informed  the  insurgents 
that  they  might  not  use  a  small  steamer  which  was 
in  their  possession  to  assist  in  their  operations  against 
the  Spaniards.  However,  when  the  Raleigh  and  Con- 
cord steamed  into  the  harbor  at  daylight  the  Irene 
promptly  steamed  out. 

Captain  J.  B.  Coghlan,  of  the  Raleigh,  being  the 
senior  officer  present,  concluded  that  Isla  Grande,  on 
account  of  its  strategic  importance  in  commanding 
the  entrance  to  Subig  Bay  (which  might  furnish 


A   PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  265 

Camara  a  refuge  if  he  should  escape  us),  ought  not  to 
be  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  After  we  fired 
a  few  shots  from  the  light  guns  of  the  two  cruisers 
the  Spaniards,  six  officers  and  five  hundred  men,  sur- 
rendered. As  Coghlan  had  no  means  of  caring  for 
the  prisoners,  he  turned  them  over  temporarily  to 
the  insurgents,  with  express  instructions  that  they 
must  be  well  treated. 

Even  before  our  flag  was  flying  over  Isla  Grande, 
although  we  had  not  yet  received  the  news,  Ameri- 
cans at  home  were  rejoicing  over  our  naval  victory 
at  Santiago  and  Camara  had  been  recalled  to  Spain. 
I  was  glad  of  an  opportunity  of  stating  my  own  posi- 
tion with  perfect  candor  to  Admiral  von  Diedrichs, 
yet  in  a  diplomatic  fashion  which  could  not  be  per- 
sonally offensive  to  him,  however  positive  he  was  in 
his  views  about  the  rights  of  neutrals  in  a  blockaded 
port.  Already  there  had  been  a  correspondence  be- 
tween us  in  which,  in  keeping  with  the  accepted  au- 
thorities on  international  law,1  including  the  German 
Perels,  who  had  lectured  at  the  Imperial  German 
Naval  Academy  at  Kiel,  I  maintained  my  right  of 
blockade  in  boarding  all  vessels,  including  men-of- 
war.  Or,  in  my  own  words,  in  one  letter  to  Vice- 
Admiral  von  Diedrichs: 

"As  a  state  of  war  exists  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain,  and  as  the  entry  into  this  block- 
aded port  of  the  vessels  of  war  of  a  neutral  is  per- 

f  1  Appendix  F. 


266  GEORGE  DEWEY 

mitted  by  the  blockading  squadron  as  a  matter  of 
international  courtesy,  such  neutrals  should  neces- 
sarily satisfy  the  blockading  vessels  as  to  their  iden- 
tity. I  distinctly  disclaim  any  intention  of  exercis- 
ing or  claiming  the  droit  de  visite  of  neutral  vessels  of 
war.  What  I  do  claim  is  the  right  to  communicate 
with  all  vessels  entering  this  port,  now  blockaded 
with  the  forces  under  my  command.  It  could  easily 
be  possible  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  picket  vessel 
to  notify  incoming  men-of-war  that  they  could  not 
enter  the  port,  not  on  account  of  the  blockade,  but 
the  intervention  of  my  lines  of  attack." 

Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs,  in  denial  of  the  right, 
had  notified  us  that  he  would  submit  the  point  to  a 
conference  of  all  the  senior  officers  of  the  men-of-war 
in  the  harbor.  But  only  one  officer  appeared,  Cap- 
tain Chichester,  of  the  British  Immortalite.  He  in- 
formed the  German  commander  that  I  was  acting  en- 
tirely within  my  rights;  that  he  had  instructions 
from  his  government  to  comply  with  even  more  rig- 
orous restrictions  than  I  had  laid  down;  and,  more- 
over, that  as  the  senior  British  officer  present  he  had 
passed  the  word  that  all  British  men-of-war  upon 
entering  the  harbor  should  first  report  to  me  and 
fully  satisfy  any  inquiries  on  my  part  before  proceed- 
ing to  the  anchorage  of  the  foreign  fleet. 

However,  Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs  was  un- 
convinced. When,  later,  the  Cormoran,  which  was 
an  old  offender,  was  sighted  coming  up  the  bay 


A  PERIOD  OF  ANXIETY  267 

Flag-Lieutenant  Brumby  was  sent  to  make  sure  that 
she  stopped  to  report,  in  keeping  with  the  custom  of 
other  foreign  men-of-war.  When  the  Cormoran  saw 
the  McCulloch  approaching  she  turned  and  steamed 
toward  the  northern  part  of  the  bay,  compelling  the 
McCulloch  to  follow.  Brumby  first  hoisted  the  in- 
ternational signal,  "I  wish  to  communicate."  No 
attention  was  paid  to  this  by  the  Cormoran.  Then 
Brumby  fired  a  shot  across  her  bows,  which  had  the 
desired  effect. 

On  the  following  day  Vice-Admiral  von  Diedrichs 
sent  a  capable,  tactful  young  officer  of  his  staff  to 
me  with  a  memorandum  of  grievances.  When  I  had 
heard  them  through  I  made  the  most  of  the  occasion 
by  using  him  as  a  third  person  to  state  candidly  and 
firmly  my  attitude  in  a  verbal  message  which  he 
conveyed  to  his  superior  so  successfully  that  Vice- 
Admiral  von  Diedrichs  was  able  to  understand  my 
point  of  view.  There  was  no  further  interference 
with  the  blockade  or  breach  of  the  etiquette  which 
had  been  established  by  the  common  consent  of  the 
other  foreign  commanders.  Thus,  as  I  explained 
to  the  President,  after  the  war  was  over,  a  difference 
of  opinion  about  international  law  had  been  ad- 
justed amicably,  without  adding  to  the  sum  of  his 
worries. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  ' 

ON  the  way  across  the  Pacific  the  bloodless  capt- 
ure of  Guam  was  effected  by  the  first  expeditionary 
force.  Brigadier-General  Anderson,  who  was  in  com- 
mand, had  his  troops  quartered  ashore  soon  after  his 
arrival.  On  July  17  a  second  contingent  of  thirty-six 
hundred  men  came  in  under  command  of  Brigadier- 
General  Francis  V.  Greene.  The  next  day  they 
were  landed  at  Paranaque,  a  position  more  than 
half-way  between  Cavite  and  Manila,  which  the  in- 
surgents had  reached  in  their  persistent  advance. 
The  captured  vessels  Rapido  and  Isabel  and  some 
cascoes  (lighters),  which  I  had  obtained  for  the  pur- 
pose, were  utilized  in  landing  General  Greene's 
command,  while  the  gun-boat  Callao  covered  the  dis- 
embarkation which  was  not  in  any  way  opposed,  as 
the  Spaniards  kept  to  their  agreement  with  me  and 
made  no  demonstration  during  the  operation. 

Within  three  days  the  whole  force,  with  their 
provisions,  equipage,  ammunition,  and  field-guns, 
were  all  in  camp  on  some  open  ground  protected  on 
one  side  by  the  beach  and  on  the  other  by  rice 
paddy  fields  and  dense  tropical  undergrowth.  Al- 
though within  range  of  the  Spanish  artillery,  they 
268 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  269 

were  beyond  that  of  the  Spanish  rifles  and  without 
any  interference  by  the  Spaniards  were  able  to  settle 
down  to  the  business  of  accustoming  themselves  to 
the  heat,  insect  life,  and  torrential  rains  of  their  new 
surroundings. 

Manila  at  this  time  was  garrisoned  by  some 
thirteen  thousand  troops,  stationed  either  within  the 
fortifications  or  in  the  lines  of  trenches  and  defensive 
works  around  the  city.  The  insurgents  had  been  at 
work  only  two  months  with  an  organization  of  the 
flimsiest  character,  yet  by  means  of  guerilla  warfare, 
developed  from  years  of  experience  in  their  resistance 
to  Spanish  domination,  had  not  only  advanced  their 
lines  along  the  beach  almost  to  the  fortifications, 
but  had  invested  the  city  on  the  inland  side  as  well. 
Thanks  to  their  advance,  we  were  able  to  land  our 
troops  within  easy  striking  distance  of  their  objective. 

When  Major-General  Merritt  arrived  on  July  25 
to  take  supreme  command  of  the  army,  he  agreed 
with  me  that  it  was  not  good  policy  to  make  any 
movement  that  would  precipitate  a  conflict  with  the 
Spaniards  or  tend  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement 
before  the  chosen  moment  for  a  combined  attack. 
My  wishes  were  rather  emphatic  on  this  subject,  and 
rightly  so,  I  still  think.  I  was  already  conducting 
negotiations  with  the  Spanish  captain-general  which 
I  felt  sure  would  result  in  a  practically  peaceful  sur- 
render of  Manila,  with  a  saving  of  life  on  both  sides. 

However,  with  two  armed  forces  facing  each  other 


270  GEORGE  DEWEY 

in  time  of  war  it  is  difficult  to  prevent  a  clash;  and 
it  was  not  long  before  the  inevitable  happened. 
General  Merritt  decided  that  the  attack  should  be 
made  along  the  shore,  and  also  that  the  insurgents, 
who  were  between  our  troops  and  the  Spaniards, 
must  be  drawn  to  one  side.  His  instructions,  in  com- 
mon with  mine,  were  to  avoid  all  sign  of  alliance  with 
the  insurgents.  Therefore,  without  holding  any  di- 
rect communication  with  Aguinaldo,  he  directed  Gen- 
eral Greene  to  persuade  the  Filipinos  to  move  out 
of  the  way.  This  Greene  tactfully  accomplished, 
and  our  men  soon  occupied  part  of  the  trenches  built 
by  the  insurgents.  Had  they  remained  in  this  posi- 
tion there  might  have  been  no  bloodshed.  But  on 
the  plea  that  these  trenches  were  not  well  located 
they  pushed  ahead  and  began  fortifying  themselves 
in  a  new  position  nearer  Fort  San  Antonio,  garrisoned 
by  the  Spaniards,  which  was  only  a  thousand  yards 
distant. 

This  work  was  continued  for  three  days  before 
the  Spaniards  made  a  move  of  any  kind.  Then  they 
appeared  to  realize  that  a  new  line  of  intrenchments 
three  hundred  yards  in  length,  much  more  formi- 
dable than  the  shallow  rifle-pits  used  by  the  insur- 
gents, was  becoming  a  serious  menace  to  the  fort, 
and  on  the  night  of  July  31  they  suddenly  opened 
fire  on  our  troops. 

To  our  naval  officers,  thoroughly  accustomed  to 
such  night  alarms,  this  firing  as  heard  out  on  the 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  271 

bay  seemed  only  a  habitual  proceeding  between 
the  Spaniards  and  the  insurgents.  But  to  our  raw 
volunteers  the  sudden  burst  of  bullets  in  the  midst  of 
intense  darkness,  blinding  rain,  and  flooded  trenches 
and  generally  exotic  surroundings  formed  a  real  test 
of  discipline  and  courage.  The  Spaniards  made  no 
advance.  Their  efforts  were  entirely  confined  to  the 
rifle  and  artillery  fire,  which  continued  for  two  hours. 
Our  volunteers  stood  their  ground  during  their  bap- 
tism of  fire  with  the  nonchalance  of  veterans,  and 
suffered  a  loss  of  ten  killed  and  thirty  wounded. 

Meanwhile,  in  anticipation  of  some  such  affair 
as  a  result  of  my  observation  of  the  course  of  events 
ashore,  I  had  directed  that  the  Boston  should  anchor 
near  our  camp,  less  than  a  mile  from  shore.  The 
captain  was  instructed  to  open  fire  if  so  requested 
by  General  Greene.  At  the  same  time  I  strongly 
expressed  my  desire  that  this  should  be  avoided  un- 
less considered  absolutely  necessary. 

A  less  experienced  officer  than  General  Greene 
might  have  readily  been  misled  into  thinking  the 
situation  alarming;  but,  fortunately,  and  much  to 
my  satisfaction,  he  did  not  call  upon  the  Boston  for 
assistance.  Three  more  of  these  night  attacks  oc- 
curred during  the  ensuing  week;  but  in  keeping 
with  our  mutual  understanding,  General  Merritt  had 
given  positive  orders  that  the  Spanish  fire  should  not 
be  returned  unless  the  Spaniards  left  their  works  to 
attack  us.  This  order  was  not  implicitly  obeyed,  as 


272  GEORGE  DEWEY 

it  was  finally  impossible  to  restrain  our  spirited  in- 
fantry from  returning  some  of  the  compliments  which 
they  were  receiving  from  the  enemy. 

On  July  31  Brigadier-General  Arthur  MacArthur 
with  four  thousand  additional  troops  arrived,  and 
after  some  delay,  owing  to  bad  weather  and  a  heavy 
surf,  they  were  added  to  the  numbers  under  General 
Greene's  command.  Three  days  before  this  was  ef- 
fected, however,  on  August  4,  the  Monterey  steamed 
into  the  harbor,  and  with  her  as  a  reinforcement  my 
squadron  was  stronger  than  any  squadron  in  the  bay. 

Our  troops  were  now  chafing  at  restraint.  They 
could  see  no  reason  for  further  delay.  Even  General 
Greene  earnestly  requested  that  the  attack  should  be 
delivered  forthwith.  However,  I  pointed  out  to  him 
the  risk  and  loss  of  prestige  in  a  premature  attack, 
arguing  that  neither  the  army  nor  the  navy  was 
ready  for  an  engagement.  The  storm  which  had  de- 
layed the  landing  of  MacArthur's  brigade  had  also 
prevented  the  landing  of  ammunition,  of  which  there 
was  a  shortage  on  shore,  while  the  Monterey  after  her 
long  voyage  needed  a  few  days'  overhauling.  More- 
over, I  was  sanguine  of  the  successful  issue  to  nego- 
tiations for  a  peaceful  capitulation  which  I  had  ini- 
tiated with  the  Spanish  captain-general  through  the 
medium  of  M.  Edouard  Andre,  the  Belgian  consul 
in  Manila. 

Owing  to  the  restriction  of  the  blockade  and  to 
the  investment  of  the  city  on  the  land  side  by  the  in- 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  273 

surgents,  the  people  of  Manila  were  in  a  bad  way  for 
supplies.  Soon  after  the  victory  of  May  i,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  General  Don  Basilio  Augustin  Davila, 
through  the  British  consul,  Mr.  Rawson-Walker,  had 
intimated  to  me  his  willingness  to  surrender  to  our 
squadron.  But  at  that  time  I  could  not  entertain 
the  proposition  because  I  had  no  force  with  which 
to  occupy  the  city,  and  I  would  not  for  a  moment 
consider  the  possibility  of  turning  it  over  to  the  un- 
disciplined insurgents,  who,  I  feared,  might  wreak 
their  vengeance  upon  the  Spaniards  and  indulge  in 
a  carnival  of  loot. 

During  July  the  British  consul  was  very  ill.  His 
death,  in  fact,  occurred  early  in  August.  When  the 
negotiations  with  the  captain-general  tending  to  a 
surrender  were  again  broached  it  was  M.  Andre  who 
acted  as  intermediary,  transmitting  all  messages  (al- 
ways verbal  ones)  from  the  captain-general  to  me 
and  from  me  to  the  captain-general.  I  was  almost 
alone  in  believing  in  the  sincerity  of  these  negotia- 
tions. General  Merritt  was  sceptical,  but  ready  to 
defer  to  my  judgment,  and  so  were  my  chief  of  staff 
and  my  flag-lieutenant.  Nevertheless,  I  felt  con- 
fident of  the  outcome,  in  which  I  consider  that  I 
was  fully  justified  by  later  events. 

While  M.  Andre's  work  had  begun  with  Don 
Basilio  on  July  24,  a  cable  from  Madrid  had  sum- 
marily dismissed  Don  Basilio  from  office,  with  orders 
to  turn  over  his  authority  to  General  Firmin  Jau- 


274  GEORGE  DEWEY 

denes.  This  cable  presumably  was  sent  to  the  Span- 
ish consul  in  Hong  Kong,  whence  it  was  transmit- 
ted through  the  mails,  reaching  Don  Basilio  about 
August  I.  It  was  in  reply  to  a  message  from  Don 
Basilio  to  the  home  government,  in  which  he  had 
pointed  out  the  critical  condition  of  affairs  in  Manila 
and  the  hopelessness  of  its  defence,  the  exhausted 
state  of  his  troops,  the  shortness  of  provisions  in  the 
city,  the  rapid  augmentation  of  the  American  forces, 
and  the  utter  despair  that  existed  on  all  sides  since 
the  receipt  of  the  news  of  Camara's  return  to  Spain. 
In  view  of  these  considerations  he  declined  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  situation,  and  the  government's 
answer  was  his  relief  from  command. 

However,  Andre  continued  with  General  Jaudenes 
the  negotiations  begun  with  Don  Basilio.  These 
progressed  with  varying  success  and  numerous  side 
issues,  but  always  with  the  stipulation  on  the  part 
of  the  Spaniards  that  if  they  surrendered  the  insur- 
gents should  be  kept  out  of  the  city.  Finally,  with- 
out making  any  definite  promise,  General  Jaudenes 
agreed  that,  although  he  would  not  surrender  except 
in  consequence  of  an  attack  upon  the  city,  yet,  unless 
the  city  were  bombarded,  the  Manila  batteries  would 
not  open  on  our  ships.  Moreover,  once  the  attack 
was  begun  he  would,  if  willing  to  surrender,  hoist  a 
white  flag  over  a  certain  point  in  the  walled  city 
from  which  it  could  be  seen  both  from  Malate  and 
from  the  bay. 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  275 

In  other  words,  his  attitude  differed  from  that  of 
Don  Basilio  only  in  that  he  wished  to  show  the  form 
of  resistance  for  the  sake  of  Spanish  honor;  or,  as 
the  Chinese  say,  to  "save  his  face." 

It  was  also  understood  that  before  this  white 
flag  was  shown  the  Olympia  should  fly  the  interna- 
tional code  signal  "D.  W.  H.  B.,"  meaning  "Sur- 
render," and  a  sketch  of  the  signal  flags  to  be  hoisted 
was  given  by  M.  Andre  to  General  Jaudenes.  Al- 
though there  were  some  further  negotiations  con- 
cerning the  terms  of  surrender,  nothing  was  defi- 
nitely agreed  upon;  while  it  was  impressed  on  General 
Jaudenes  that  the  generosity  of  the  terms  granted 
would  depend  upon  the  brevity  of  his  resistance. 
Indeed,  these  pourparlers  continued  until  the  day 
before  the  capture  of  the  city. 

At  first  General  Merritt  and  myself  decided  upon 
August  10  as  the  date  of  the  attack.  On  the  yth  we 
sent  the  usual  forty-eight  hours'  notice  preparatory 
to  a  bombardment  to  General  Jaudenes.1  He  an- 
swered that,  being  surrounded  by  insurgent  forces, 
he  had  no  place  of  refuge  for  the  wounded  and  sick 
and  the  women  and  children  except  within  the  walls 
of  the  city.  In  reply, we  pointed  out  how  helpless 
was  his  position  and  how  clearly  it  was  his  duty  to 
save  the  city  from  the  horrors  of  bombardment.  He 
demurred  and  begged  time  in  which  to  consult  his 
government,  a  request  which  was  promptly  refused. 
1  Appendix  G. 


276  GEORGE  DEWEY 

In  keeping  with  our  assurance  on  the  yth  that 
the  city  would  not  be  fired  upon  for  at  least  forty- 
eight  hours  the  desultory  firing  between  the  infan- 
try forces  on  either  side  ceased.  On  the  9th  the 
foreign  men-of-war  and  the  refugee  steamers  under 
their  charge  were  notified  to  shift  their  anchorages 
so  as  to  be  out  of  the  line  of  fire.  It  was  noticeable 
that  while  the  German  and  French  vessels  took  up  a 
position  to  the  northward  of  the  city,  the  English 
and  Japanese  came  over  to  Cavite  and  anchored  near 
our  squadron.  Later  in  the  day  the  Concord  and 
Petrel  were  sent  over  in  the  vicinity  of  the  German 
vessels.  On  the  following  morning  they  closed  in  to 
within  one  mile  of  the  breakwater  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Pasig  River.  This  position  they  maintained 
until  the  city  surrendered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth  all  preparations  were 
complete  for  any  emergency.  Boats  and  extra  gear 
had  been  sent  on  shore  to  the  arsenal.  The  ships 
were  cleared  for  action  with  steam  up,  and  waited 
only  on  the  word  to  get  under  way.  But  the  signal 
run  up  to  the  Olympias  yard-arm  was,  "The  attack 
is  postponed."  General  Merritt  had  come  on  board 
the  flag-ship  to  report  that  the  army  was  not  quite 
ready. 

However,  on  the  I2th  it  was  announced  that  the 
\attack  would  be  delivered  upon  the  following  morn- 
ing. The  1 3th  dawned  as  a  typical  Manila  day, 
after  intervals  of  rain  during  the  night.  The  air  was 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  277 

lifeless,  the  thermometer  in  the  8o's,  and  everything 
was  steaming  with  humid  heat.  But  at  eight  o'clock 
the  sky  partially  cleared  and  a  light  breeze  sprang  up. 
At  8.45  the  ships  got  under  way  and  moved  in  to 
their  stations — the  Charleston,  Boston,  and  Baltimore 
off  the  Luneta  battery,  the  Monterey  farther  inshore 
and  nearer  the  batteries  of  the  city  proper,  the  Con- 
cord off  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig,  and  the  Olympia, 
Raleigh,  and  Petrel,  with  the  Callao  and  McCulloch, 
opposite  the  Malate  fort,  where  they  could  not  only 
reduce  the  fort  but  enfilade  the  Spanish  lines. 

As  we  got  under  way  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
British  ship  Immortalite  crowded  on  the  deck,  her 
guard  was  paraded,  and  her  band  played  "Under  the 
Double  Eagle,"  which  was  known  to  be  my  favorite 
march.  Then,  as  we  drew  away  from  the  anchor- 
age from  which  for  over  three  months  we  had  watched 
the  city  and  bay,  Captain  Chichester  got  under 
way  also  and  with  the  Immortalite  and  the  Iphigenia 
steamed  over  toward  the  city  and  took  up  a  position 
which  placed  his  vessels  between  ours  and  those  of 
the  foreign  fleet.  We  broke  our  battle  flags  from  the 
mast-heads  with  the  conviction  that  we  were  to  see 
the  end  of  the  story  which  we  had  begun  when  they 
were  broken  out  on  the  morning  of  May  i. 

At  9.35  the  Olympia,  Raleigh,  Petrel,  and  Callao 
opened  fire  on  Fort  San  Antonio,  on  the  flank  of  the 
Spanish  intrenchments,  which  was  continued  slowly 
for  about  an  hour,  without  any  response  from  the 
fort.  Meanwhile,  we  could  see  our  troops  on  shore 


278  GEORGE   DEWEY 

advancing  through  the  fields  and  along  the  beach. 
As  they  came  into  view,  sturdily  breasting  their  way 
through  the  shallow  water  and  meeting  all  obstacles 
with  enthusiastic  cheering,  the  flag-ship  signalled  to 
cease  firing,  and  shortly  afterward,  followed  by  the 
Raleigh  and  Petrel,  steamed  to  the  northward  to  as- 
sume a  position  off  the  town.  With  the  Callao,  under 
Lieutenant  Tappan,  and  the  little  Barcelo,  in  charge 
of  Naval  Cadet  White,  keeping  ahead  of  them  and 
sweeping  the  beach  and  Spanish  trenches  with  their 
machine  guns,  the  troops  gallantly  rushed  to  the 
assault  and  soon  were  seen  swarming  over  the  para- 
pet of  Fort  San  Antonio.  At  10.35  tne  Spanish  colors 
disappeared  from  the  fort  and  our  own  were  hoisted. 

In  the  meantime  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron 
had  awaited  developments  in  their  position  command- 
ing the  heavy  batteries  of  the  city  itself.  Few  on 
board,  and,  indeed,  few  of  the  junior  officers  of  the 
army,  had  any  inkling  of  an  agreement  with  the 
Spaniards,  so  that  all  were  firmly  convinced  that  they 
were  going  into  action.  But  my  captains  were  di- 
rected not  to  fire  unless  fired  upon,  and  not  one  of 
the  enemy's  thirty-nine  heavy  guns  having  the  range 
of  our  ships  was  discharged. 

As  the  Olympia  and  her  consorts  approached  the 
other  vessels  the  flag-ship  was  flying  the  international 
signal  "D.  W.  H.  B."  for  "Surrender";  but,  although 
sharp  eyes  on  the  bridge  of  the  flag-ship  scrutinized 
the  forts  for  a  sign  of  the  return  signal,  the  back- 
ground was  so  indefinite  that  for  a  time  nothing  was 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  279 

sighted.  Finally,  however,  it  was  my  fortune  to  be 
the  first  to  make  out  a  white  flag  flying  on  the  ap- 
pointed place  on  the  southwest  bastion  of  the  city 
wall.  Our  own  signal  had  been  hoisted  at  n  A.  M., 
and  it  was  not  until  11.20  that  we  distinguished  the 
answer. 

Flag-Lieutenant  Brumby  and  Colonel  Whittier, 
of  General  Merritt's  staff,  with  M.  Andre,  were  now 
landed  in  the  city  and  were  met  by  General  Jaudenes 
and  Admiral  Montojo,  and  the  preliminary  articles 
of  capitulation  were  promptly  drawn  up.1  General 
Jaudenes  had  saved  his  honor  by  a  formal  show  of 
resistance.  At  2.20  Brumby  returned  to  the  flag- 
ship with  his  report  and  I  signalled  the  squadron: 
"The  enemy  has  surrendered."  I  directed  the  ships, 
which  had  been  kept  under  way  in  readiness  for  any 
failure  of  the  compact  with  the  Spaniards,  to  anchor 
off  the  water-front  of  the  city,  where  they  com- 
manded it  with  their  guns.  Meanwhile,  the  army 
had  entered  the  city  from  the  side  of  the  Luneta, 
and  with  some  difficulty  had  also  prevented  the  in- 
surgents from  coming  in. 

Probably  the  army  officers  were  so  completely 
absorbed  in  their  work  that  they  did  not  notice  that 
the  Spanish  flag  was  still  flying  over  the  citadel. 
From  the  ships,  however,  it  was  strikingly  apparent, 
and  I  concluded  that  before  the  sun  went  down  our 
colors  must  float  over  the  city.  So  I  sent  Brumby 
on  shore  again  with  the  largest  American  ensign  we 

1  Appendix  H. 


280  GEORGE  DEWEY 

had  on  the  flag-ship,  accompanied  only  by  a  couple 
of  young  signal  boys.  He  had  to  push  his  way 
through  the  crowded  streets  and  enter  a  citadel  filled 
with  Spanish  soldiers  not  yet  disarmed  to  accom- 
plish his  task. 

At  5.43  I  saw  the  Spanish  flag  come  down  and 
then  our  own  float  in  its  place.  The  guns  of  all  our 
ships  thundered  out  a  national  salute,  while  the  band 
of  one  of  our  regiments,  which  happily  chanced  to  be 
passing  the  citadel,  played  the  "Star-Spangled  Ban- 
ner," the  troops  saluted,  officers  uncovered,  and  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  as  it  was  raised  for  the  first  time 
over  Manila,  was  greeted  with  all  the  honor  so  punc- 
tiliously given  the  flag  on  ceremonious  occasions  both 
by  the  army  and  the  navy.  The  next  morning  the 
foreign  men-of-war  were  officially  notified  that  the 
city  had  been  occupied  and  the  port  was  open.  Of 
all  the  foreign  commanders,  only  Captain  Chichester 
acknowledged  the  notification  by  firing  the  national 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns  with  the  American  ensign 
at  the  main. 

The  details  of  the  surrender1  were  determined  on 
the  I4th  by  a  joint  commission,  on  which  my  chief 
of  staff,  Captain  Lamberton,  was  our  naval  repre- 
sentative. The  Spanish  troops  surrendered  the  city 
and  its  defences  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  laying 
down  their  arms  and  referring  the  question  of  their 
future  status  and  repatriation  to  the  government 
at  Washington;  officers  were  allowed  to  retain  their 

1  Appendix  H. 


THE  TAKING  OF  MANILA  281 

side-arms,  horses,  and  private  property;  all  public 
property  and  public  funds  were  turned  over  to  United 
States  authority;  and  Manila,  with  its  inhabitants, 
churches,  educational  institutions,  and  private  prop- 
erty, was  placed  under  guard  of  the  American  army. 

I  paid  my  first  visit  to  the  city  two  days  later,  and 
found  conditions  absolutely  tranquil  and  orderly. 
The  people  had  already  resumed  their  peaceful  avo- 
cations, and  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  colors  over  the 
citadel,  the  American  sentries  posted  here  and  there, 
and  the  presence  in  the  streets  of  the  tall,  stalwart, 
good-natured  Western  volunteers,  who  made  the 
little  Filipinos  seem  diminutive  in  contrast,  one  would 
never  have  imagined  that  a  state  of  war  had  lately 
existed  or  that  the  sovereignty  of  centuries  had  been 
changed. 

News  of  the  signing  of  the  peace  protocol,  with 
instructions  to  occupy  the  city  pending  the  conclu- 
sion of  a  treaty  of  peace1  and  to  suspend  hostilities 

1  WASHINGTON,  August  12,  1898. 
DEWEY,  Hongkong: 

Peace  protocol  signed  by  President.  Suspend  all  hostilities  and 
blockade. 

ALLEN. 

WASHINGTON,  August  12,  1898. 
DEWEY,  Hongkong: 

The  protocol,  signed  by  the  President  today,  provides  that  the 
United  States  will  occupy  and  hold  the  city,  bay  and  harbor  of  Ma- 
nila pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  which  shall  determine 
the  control,  disposition  and  government  of  the  Philippines.  This  is 
most  important. 

ALLEN,  Acting. 


282  GEORGE  DEWEY 

and  the  blockade,  arrived  in  Manila  on  the  i6th,  and 
so  did  the  monitor  Monadnock.  But  now  one  was  as 
useless  as  the  other  was  unnecessary.  On  the  night 
of  August  14,  for  the  first  time  since  April  25,  the 
ships  were  not  shrouded  in  darkness.  That  after- 
noon I  had  given  the  welcome  signal,  "All  restric- 
tions on  lights  revoked,"  which  meant  an  immense 
difference  in  the  comfort  of  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  squadron. 

Had  not  the  cable  been  cut  there  would  have 
been  no  attack  on  the  I3th,  for  while  our  ships — 
counting  the  twelve  hours'  difference  in  time  between 
the  two  hemispheres — were  moving  into  position  and 
our  troops  were  holding  themselves  in  readiness  for 
a  dash  upon  the  Spanish  works  the  protocol  was  being 
signed  at  Washington.  The  absence  of  immediate 
cable  connection  had  allowed  no  interruption  to  the 
fateful  progress  of  events  which  was  to  establish  our 
authority  in  the  Philippines.  On  August  21  the 
cable  was  raised  and  spliced,  and  Manila  was  no 
longer  isolated  from  daily  cable  communication  with 
the  rest  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
SINCE  MANILA 

ON  August  20,  seven  days  after  the  taking  of 
Manila,  I  said,  in  the  course  of  a  cable  to  the  depart- 
ment: "I  trust  that  it  may  not  be  necessary  to  order 
me  to  Paris.  Should  very  much  regret  to  leave  here 
while  matters  are  in  their  present  critical  condition." 

As  the  one  person  who  had  been  continuously  in 
touch  with  the  Philippine  situation  from  the  moment 
that  it  was  precipitated,  I  considered  it  my  duty  to 
remain  on  the  scene  as  long  as  there  was  any  oppor- 
tunity for  service.  Hostilities  had  ceased  with  the 
signing  of  the  protocol,  but  the  final  terms  of  a  treaty 
of  peace  remained  to  be  negotiated.  Our  govern- 
ment had  yet  to  decide  whether  or  not  to  keep  the 
Philippines. 

If  we  decided  to  keep  them,  there  was  the  ques- 
tion of  our  policy  of  administration  the  urgent  im- 
portance of  which  was  readily  realized  by  one  on 
the  spot,  while  it  was  difficult  to  make  it  realized 
by  those  in  Washington  who  had  had  no  experience 
of  Oriental  countries.  General  Merritt  was  ordered 
to  report  to  our  delegates  at  the  Paris  Peace  Confer- 
ence, bringing  along  with  his  own  suggestions  any 

that  I  had  to  communicate. 

283 


284  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Mr.  McKinley,  after  sounding  public  opinion  at 
home,  decided  not  to  haul  down  the  flag,  and  Spain, 
in  return  for  relinquishing  sovereignty  of  the  islands, 
was  paid  the  sum  of  twenty  millions.  At  the  time, 
the  delegates  to  the  Peace  Conference  scarcely  com- 
prehended that  a  rebellion  was  included  with  the 
purchase.  We  were  far  from  being  in  possession  of 
the  property  which  we  had  bought.  Manila  was 
only  the  capital  city  of  the  most  important  of  a 
group  of  many  islands,  with  many  capitals,  in  all  of 
which  we  must  establish  authority.  With  the  native 
population  welcoming  us  this  would  have  been  only 
a  formal  task.  But  outside  Manila  Aguinaldo  was 
continuing  to  recruit  his  forces,  while  his  agitators 
spread  hostility  to  us  throughout  the  archipelago. 
Gradually  our  troops  in  Manila  under  command  of 
Major-General  E.  S.  Otis,  who  had  succeeded  General 
Merritt,  were  finding  themselves  invested  by  the  in- 
surgents, while  they  rested  inactive  under  strict  orders 
not  to  provoke  a  conflict. 

The  Filipinos,  particularly  as  we  could  have  no 
official  relations  with  the  Aguinaldo  dictatorship, 
could  not  believe  in  our  good  intentions.  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley's  proclamation  of  "benevolent  assimilation" 
fell  on  ears  which  had  long  since  learned  to  distrust 
the  beneficent  and  grandiloquent  proclamations  of 
which  the  Spanish  were  masters.  It  was  a  time  for 
statesmanship  if  we  were  to  avoid  a  conflict.  As 
Washington  seemed  to  be  in  the  dark  about  the  real 


o  o 

CO 
O) 

i  i 

8  I 

5  S 

-  i^ 

ft*  O 

d  S 


SINCE  MANILA  285 

situation  on  shore,  I  cabled  on  January  7,  1899,  stat- 
ing that  affairs  were  very  disturbed  and  that  a  small 
"civilian  commission  composed  of  men  skilled  in  di- 
plomacy and  statesmanship  should  be  sent  to  adjust 
differences." 

At  the  same  time  I  wrote  to  Senator  Proctor,  ex- 
pressing my  fear  that,  despite  General  Otis's  forbear- 
ance, we  were  drifting  into  a  war  with  the  natives. 
"This  appears  to  me  an  occasion  for  a  triumph 
of  statesmanship  rather  than  of  arms.  Should  the 
President  decide  to  do  as  I  suggest,  I  hope  that  you 
will  be  a  member  of  the  commission.  These  people 
are  afraid  of  us,  navy  and  army,  but  would  listen 
to  you  while  they  would  not  to  us.  They  should  be 
treated  kindly,  exactly  as  you  would  treat  children, 
for  they  are  little  else,  and  should  be  coerced  only 
after  gentler  means  of  bringing  them  to  reason  have 
failed." 

President  McKinley  acted  promptly  on  my  ad- 
vice, Secretary  Long  cabling  me  on  January  12: 
"Schurman  of  Cornell,  Worcester  of  Ann  Arbor, 
Denby,  late  Minister  to  China,  go  soon  to  Manila 
with  instructions.  They  with  you  and  Otis  consti- 
tute commission."  But  in  less  than  a  month  after 
their  appointment  the  growing  anger  of  the  natives 
had  broken  into  flame.  Now,  after  paying  twenty 
millions  for  the  islands,  we  must  establish  our  au- 
thority by  force  against  the  very  wishes  of  the  people 
whom  we  sought  to  benefit.  Once  the  early  fighting 


286  GEORGE   DEWEY 

with  the  insurgents  was  over  and  their  capital  at 
Malolos  taken,  the  problem  was  one  of  successive 
occupation  of  towns  and  provinces  against  all  the 
exasperations  of  guerilla  warfare,  in  which  the  navy 
could  be  of  assistance  only  by  protecting  landing 
forces  and  the  use  of  its  small  gun-boats  in  shallow 
waters. 

In  requesting  the  appointment  of  the  Schurman 
commission  I  had  taken  the  first  step  toward  the 
development  of  a  system  of  civil  administration  and 
the  application  of  the  principles  of  enlightened  rep- 
resentative government  in  an  Oriental  country  under 
the  tutelage  of  a  Western  nation.  It  is  for  other  pens 
to  write  of  the  later  history  of  the  Philippines,  with 
its  entail  of  vigilance,  danger,  and  hardships  for  our 
troops  and  of  faithful  service  by  our  teachers  and 
administrators,  which  have  brought  to  the  Filipino 
people  the  benefits  of  modern  education  and  progress 
and  the  opportunity  for  industrial  development. 

On  March  2,  1899,  Congress  had  authorized  the 
President  "to  appoint  by  selection  and  promotion  an 
admiral  of  the  navy,  who  shall  not  be  placed  upon 
the  retired  list  except  by  his  own  application;  and 
whenever  such  office  shall  be  vacated  by  death  or 
otherwise  the  office  shall  cease  to  exist."  President 
McKinley  named  me  for  this  unique  rank. 

Ten  months  had  now  elapsed  since  I  entered 
Manila  Bay.  I  had  not  once  left  it,  even  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  brief  climatic  change  to  Hong  Kong 


SINCE   MANILA  287 

which  I  was  able  to  give  all  my  officers.  Whatever 
merit  there  was  in  untiring  devotion  to  work  while 
there  was  work  to  do,  I  might  rightfully  claim  as  an 
expression  of  gratitude  for  the  honor  which  my  coun- 
try had  bestowed  upon  me.  But  I  was  weary  and 
in  poor  health,  while  I  could  not  help  being  deeply 
affected  by  the  necessity  of  the  loss  of  life  and  the 
misery  which  the  pacification  of  the  islands  imposed. 

A  year  after  the  victory,  confident  that  my  pres- 
ence was  no  longer  necessary,  the  flag-ship  weighed 
anchor,  leaving  the  Asiatic  Squadron  in  command  of 
Captain  A.  S.  Barker  (now  rear-admiral,  retired), 
who  had  brought  out  the  battle-ship  Oregon. 

President  McKinley  had  left  it  to  me  to  choose 
my  time  of  departure  and  my  route  homeward. 
From  all  parts  of  the  United  States  had  come  re- 
quests for  a  journey  across  the  country  by  rail.  Our 
inland  cities  seemed  to  be  vying  with  one  another 
in  plans  for  magnificent  receptions.  Towns,  children, 
and  articles  of  commerce  were  named  after  me.  I 
was  assured  that  nothing  like  the  enthusiasm  for  a 
man  and  a  deed  had  ever  been  known.  But  my 
health  was  unequal  to  any  such  triumphal  progress. 

As  one  friend  warned  me,  although  I  had  sur- 
vived the  running  of  the  batteries  of  Forts  Jackson 
and  St.  Philip,  the  batteries  of  Port  Hudson  and 
the  battles  of  Fort  Fisher  and  Manila  Bay,  I  could 
never  survive  the  hospitality  from  the  Pacific  to 
the  Atlantic  coast.  Therefore,  I  decided  that  I 


288  GEORGE  DEWEY 

would  land  in  New  York,  after  cruising  leisurely 
homeward  by  way  of  the  Mediterranean. 

Now,  when  I  entered  a  foreign  harbor,  it  was  with 
my  four-starred  flag  in  place  of  the  commodore's 
broad  pennant,  entitled  to  a  salute  of  nineteen  guns, 
and  at  any  public  function  the  commander  of  the 
Asiatic  Squadron  need  not  take  second  place.  At 
Hong  Kong  for  the  first  time  in  a  year  I  enjoyed 
the  luxury  of  sleeping  on  shore  in  a  hotel  free  from 
ship's  routine.  After  stops  at  Colombo  and  Singa- 
pore, where  the  British  officials  showed  me  every 
honor,  and  at  the  same  time  with  characteristic 
consideration  appreciated  my  desire  for  rest,  I  pro- 
ceeded through  the  Suez  Canal. 

My  fondness  for  the  Mediterranean,  which  had 
begun  with  my  midshipman  cruise,  had  never  waned. 
In  its  bracing  air  I  found  the  tonic  that  I  needed. 
Many  old  associations  were  renewed,  many  old  mem- 
ories aroused,  among  them  those  of  Farragut's  tour. 
The  Civil  War  had  sent  its  admiral  with  the  message 
of  a  nation  reunited  by  force;  and  the  Spanish  War 
had  sent  its  admiral  with  the  message  of  a  country 
reunited  in  sentiment  and  become  a  world  power. 
I  could  be  as  proud  of  the  Olympia  for  the  victory 
she  had  won  as  I  had  been  as  a  midshipman  of  the 
W 'abash;  and  where  as  captain  of  the  Pensacola  I 
knew  that  we  had  a  navy  of  antiquated  ships,  now 
I  knew  that  we  had  a  navy  of  ships  that  were  fully 
abreast  of  the  progress  in  naval  science. 


THE  TEMPORARY  TRIUMPHAL  ARCH   ERECTED   IN   NEW  YORK 

IN  ADMIRAL  DEWEY'S   HONOR  UPON   HIS  ARRIVAL 

FROM    THE    PHILIPPINES 


SINCE   MANILA  289 

I  was  happy  in  the  thought  of  duty  done  in  a 
way  to  win  praise  and  at  the  thought  of  seeing  my 
own  country  again,  even  if  I  were  unequal  to  all  the 
banquets  that  had  been  offered  me.  After  calls  at 
Trieste,  Naples,  Leghorn,  and  Villefranche,  while  I 
forewent  all  except  formal  official  functions  in  my 
honor,  I  finally  sailed  from  Gibraltar  for  New  York 
early  in  September. 

Even  the  accounts  in  the  newspapers,  the  invi- 
tations from  cities  and  corporations  and  civic  and 
patriotic  organizations,  did  not  fully  prepare  me  for 
the  splendor  of  the  attentions  awaiting  me.  They 
were  overwhelming.  My  career  as  a  hard-working 
naval  officer  scarcely  equipped  me  for  a  role  as  the 
central  figure  of  public  applause.  On  the  3Oth  of 
April,  1898,  I  had  been  practically  unknown  to  the 
general  public.  In  a  day  my  name  was  on  every 
one's  lips.  The  dash  of  our  squadron  into  an  Ori- 
ental bay  seven  thousand  miles  from  home  had  the 
glamour  of  romance  to  the  national  imagination. 

I  knew  what  to  do  in  command  of  the  Asiatic 
Squadron,  but  being  of  flesh  and  blood  and  not  a 
superman,  it  seemed  impossible  to  live  up  to  all 
that  was  expected  of  me  as  a  returning  hero.  Had 
I  died  on  the  way  across  the  Atlantic,  there  would 
have  been  an  outpouring  of  subscriptions  which 
would  have  promptly  rebuilt  the  temporary  arch  in 
my  honor  in  Madison  Square  in  marble.  If  I  were 
to  feel  later,  when  the  "triumph  and  shouting"  had 


29o  GEORGE  DEWEY 

abated,  that  the  people  had  misunderstood  me,  I 
knew  that  I  had  not  misunderstood  their  thought  in 
their  exuberant  pride  over  the  way  that  the  Asiatic 
Squadron  had  conducted  "offensive  operations"  in 
the  Philippine  Islands. 

Dewey  arches,  Dewey  flags,  and  "Welcome 
Dewey"  in  electric  lights  on  the  span  of  the  Brook- 
lyn Bridge!  The  great  city  of  New  York  made  holi- 
day. Its  crowds  banked  the  piers,  the  roofs,  and 
Riverside  Drive  when  the  Olympia,  leading  the  North 
Atlantic  Squadron,  which  won  Santiago,  proceeded 
up  the  North  River;  and  they  packed  the  streets 
for  the  land  parade  in  token  of  public  emotion,  while 
the  gold  loving-cup  which  came  to  me  with  the  free- 
dom of  the  city  expressed  the  municipality's  official 
tribute.  In  the  presence  of  the  spectacle,  which  was 
without  equal,  my  emotion  was  indescribable.  I 
was  no  less  deeply  affected  when  I  stood  on  the  steps 
of  the  State  House  at  Montpelier  with  the  grounds 
filled  with  Vermont  "home  folks,"  and  when,  on  the 
steps  of  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol,  I  received  from 
the  hands  of  the  President  the  sword  of  honor  which 
Congress  had  voted  me. 

On  October  5,  1899,  my  flag  was  hauled  down 
from  the  Olympia  ;  but  I  was  to  raise  it  again  on 
the  Southern  drill  grounds  for  the  manoeuvres,  when 
I  had  under  my  direction  the  most  powerful  fleet 
which  we  had  ever  mobilized  up  to  that  time.  A 
gratifying  feature  of  the  rank  of  admiral  of  the  navy, 


//.  Ra 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AND  ADMIRAL  DEWEY  REVIEWING 

THE    PARADE    AFTER   THE    PRESENTATION    OF   THE 

SWORD    GIVEN    BY    CONGRESS 


SINCE  MANILA  291 

which  Congress  had  given  me,  was  that  I  was  to  re- 
main in  active  service  for  life.  While  I  lived  there 
would  be  work  to  do. 

Before  the  Spanish  War  we  had  had  no  central 
advisory  authority  in  determining  our  naval  policy, 
which  was  therefore  subject  to  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  different  bureaus  directly  under  the 
secretary  of  the  navy,  with  the  result  that  there 
was  not  a  harmonious  purpose.  We  had  been  mak- 
ing our  appropriations  without  a  proper  regard  for 
their  expenditure  to  the  definite  end  of  developing 
a  fighting  force  as  an  efficient  whole;  we  had  been 
building  ships  without  regard  to  homogeneity.  Now 
it  was  my  pleasure  not  only  to  see  the  recommenda- 
tions which  I  had  made  to  Secretary  Tracy  carried 
out  by  the  concentration  of  our  battle-ships  in  home 
waters,  but  by  the  establishment  of  the  General 
Board,  which  was  to  prepare  war  plans,  recommend 
the  types  and  armament  of  ships  for  the  annual 
building  programme,  and  act  as  a  clearing-house  for 
all  questions  of  naval  policy.  I  was  made  President 
of  the  Board — a  position  which  I  still  occupy,  and 
where  I  am  in  daily  association  with  some  of  the 
finest  minds  in  the  service.  Naturally,  my  new  as- 
signment required  my  presence  in  Washington,  the 
city  with  which  I  had  the  most  associations,  and 
where  I  preferred  to  settle. 

For  many  years  during  my  residence  in  Washing- 
ton before  going  to  the  East  Mrs.  Mildred  (McLean) 


292  GEORGE  DEWEY 

Hazen  and  I  had  been  friends.  Upon  my  return 
from  the  East  she  did  me  the  honor  to  become  my 
wife.  To  her  companionship  I  owe  my  happiness 
in  later  years. 

Among  all  the  tokens  of  the  honors  that  the 
people  paid  me  the  simplest  one  is  valued  as  much 
as  the  costly  loving-cup;  and  I  rejoice  in  having 
been  able  to  pass  the  great  mile-stone  of  threescore 
and  ten  in  vigor,  still  able  to  appear  at  my  office 
every  morning  as  a  naval  officer  on  the  active  list, 
who  can  keep  in  touch  with  the  living  science  of 
naval  warfare  in  a  responsible  position,  and  whose 
experience  in  two  wars  and  through  many  stages  of 
naval  progress  I  trust  is  of  some  value. 

My  good  friend  the  late  John  Hay  said  that 
one  could  not  boast  of  his  triumphs  in  love  and  di- 
plomacy. This  is  true  of  the  work  of  the  General 
Board.  War,  which  would  bring  a  test  of  its  results, 
will  find,  unless  I  am  mistaken  in  my  knowledge  of 
our  officers,  men,  and  ships,  the  spirit  of  Jones, 
Perry,  and  Farragut  still  dominant,  with  the  cer- 
tainty that  our  commanders  will  go  into  action  not 
only  with  a  sufficiency  of  ammunition  but  with  the 
confidence  that  they  are  a  part  of  a  well-prepared 
force. 


THE    DEWEY    MEDAL 

Designed  by  Daniel  C.  French 


APPENDICES 


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296 


APPENDIX  A 


RESUME  OF   SHIPS  WHICH  TOOK  ACTIVE   PART  IN 
ACTION 


TOTALS 

AMERICAN 

SPANISH 

Number  of  ships.        

6 

7 

Displacement  
Guns  over  4-inch  
Guns  under  4-inch  

19,098 

S3 
56 

11,689 
31 

44 

Torpedo  tubes 

8 

I? 

Officers  and  men. 

I,4.;6 

1,447 

APPENDIX  B 

U.  S.  NAVAL  FORCE  ON  ASIATIC  STATION, 

FLAGSHIP  "OLYMPIA," 
CAVITE,  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  May  4,  1898. 
SIR: 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the  oper- 
ations of  the  squadron  under  my  command: 

The  squadron  left  Mirs  Bay  on  April  27,  immediately  on 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  O.  F.  Williams,  United  States  consul  at  Ma- 
nila, who  brought  important  information  and  who  accompanies 
the  squadron. 

Arrived  off  Bolinao  on  the  morning  of  April  30  and,  finding 
no  vessels  there,  proceeded  down  the  coast  and  arrived  off  the 
entrance  to  Manila  Bay  on  the  same  afternoon. 

The  Boston  and  Concord  were  sent  to  reconnoiter  Port  Subic, 
I  having  been  informed  that  the  enemy  intended  to  take  position 
there.  A  thorough  search  of  the  port  was  made  by  the  Boston 
and  Concord,  but  the  Spanish  fleet  was  not  found,  although 
from  a  letter  afterwards  found  in  the  arsenal  (inclosed  with 
translation),  it  appears  that  it  had  been  their  intention  to  go 
there. 

Entered  the  Boca  Grande,  or  south  channel,  at  11.30  P.  M., 
steaming  in  column  at  distance  at  8  knots.  After  half  the 
squadron  had  passed,  a  battery  on  the  south  side  of  the  chan- 
nel opened  fire,  none  of  the  shots  taking  effect.  The  Boston 
and  McCulloch  returned  the  fire. 

The  squadron  proceeded  across  the  bay  at  slow  speed,  and 
arrived  oflF  Manila  at  daybreak,  and  was  fired  upon  at  5.15 
A.  M.  by  three  batteries  at  Manila  and  two  at  Cavite  and  by 
the  Spanish  fleet  anchored  in  an  approximately  east  and  west 
line  across  the  mouth  of  Bakor  Bay,  with  their  left  in  shoal 
water  in  Canacao  Bay. 

297 


298  APPENDIX  B 

The  squadron  then  proceeded  to  the  attack,  the  flagship 
Olympia,  under  my  personal  direction,  leading,  followed  at  dis- 
tance by  the  Baltimore,  Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  and  Boston,  in 
the  order  named,  which  formation  was  maintained  throughout 
the  action.  The  squadron  opened  fire  at  5.41  A.  M.  While  ad- 
vancing to  the  attack,  two  mines  were  exploded  ahead  of  the 
flagship,  too  far  to  be  effective. 

The  squadron  maintained  a  continuous  and  precise  fire  at 
ranges  varying  from  5,000  to  2,000  yards,  countermarching  in 
a  line  approximately  parallel  to  that  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  The 
enemy's  fire  was  vigorous,  but  generally  ineffective. 

Early  in  the  engagement  two  launches  put  out  toward  the 
Olympia  with  the  apparent  intention  of  using  torpedoes.  One 
was  sunk  and  the  other  disabled  by  our  fire  and  beached  before 
an  opportunity  occurred  to  fire  torpedoes.  At  7  A.  M.  the 
Spanish  flagship  Reina  Cristina  made  a  desperate  attempt  to 
leave  the  line  and  come  out  to  engage  at  short  range,  but  was 
received  with  such  galling  fire,  the  entire  battery  of  the  Olym- 
pia being  concentrated  upon  her,  that  she  was  barely  able  to 
return  to  the  shelter  of  the  point.  The  fires  started  in  her  by 
our  shell  at  this  time  were  not  extinguished  until  she  sank. 

At  7.35  A.  M.J  it  having  been  erroneously  reported  to  me 
that  only  15  rounds  per  gun  remained  for  the  5-inch  rapid- 
fire  battery,  I  ceased  firing  and  withdrew  the  squadron  for 
consultation  and  a  redistribution  of  ammunition,  if  necessary. 

The  three  batteries  at  Manila  had  kept  up  a  continuous 
fire  from  the  beginning  of  the  engagement,  which  fire  was  not 
returned  by  this  squadron.  The  first  of  these  batteries  was 
situated  on  the  south  mole  head  at  the  entrance  to  the  Pasig 
River,  the  second  on  the  south  bastion  of  the  walled  city  of 
Manila,  and  the  third  at  Malate,  about  one-half  mile  farther 
south.  At  this  point  I  sent  a  message  to  the  Governor-General 
to  the  effect  that  if  the  batteries  did  not  cease  firing  the  city 
would  be  shelled.  This  had  the  effect  of  silencing  them. 

At  11.16  A.  M.,  finding  that  the  report  of  scarcity  of  ammu- 
nition was  incorrect,  I  returned  with  the  squadron  to  the  at- 
tack. By  this  time  the  flagship  and  almost  the  entire  Spanish 
fleet  were  in  flames,  and  at  12.30  p.  M.  the  squadron  ceased 


APPENDIX   B  299 

firing,  the  batteries  being  silenced  and  the  ships  sunk,  burnt, 
and  deserted. 

At  12.40  P.  M.  the  squadron  returned  and  anchored  off 
Manila,  the  Petrel  being  left  behind  to  complete  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  smaller  gunboats,  which  were  behind  the  point  of 
Cavite.  This  duty  was  performed  by  Commander  E.  P.  Wood 
in  the  most  expeditious  and  complete  manner  possible. 

The  Spanish  fleet  lost  the  following  vessels: 

Sunk — Reina  Cristina,  Castillo,,  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa. 

Burnt — Don  Juan  de  Austria,  Isla  de  Luzon,  Isla  de  Cuba, 
General  Lezo,  Marques  del  Duero,  El  Correo,  Felasco,  and  Isla 
de  Mindanao  (transport). 

Captured — Rdpido  and  Hercules  (tugs)  and  several  small 
launches. 

I  am  unable  to  obtain  complete  accounts  of  the  enemy's 
killed  and  wounded,  but  believe  their  loss  to  be  very  heavy. 
The  Reina  Cristina  alone  had  150  killed,  including  the  cap- 
tain, and  90  wounded. 

I  am  happy  to  report  that  the  damage  done  to  the  squad- 
ron under  my  command  was  inconsiderable.  There  were  none 
killed,  and  only  seven  men  in  the  squadron  very  slightly 
wounded.  As  will  be  seen  by  the  reports  of  the  commanding 
officers  which  are  herewith  inclosed,  several  of  the  vessels  were 
struck  and  even  penetrated,  but  the  damage  was  of  the  slight- 
est, and  the  squadron  is  in  as  good  condition  now  as  before  the 
battle. 

I  beg  to  state  to  the  Department  that  I  doubt  if  any  com- 
mander-in-chief,  under  similar  circumstances,  was  ever  served 
by  more  loyal,  efficient,  and  gallant  captains  than  those  of  the 
squadron  now  under  my  command.  Captain  Frank  Wildes, 
commanding  the  Boston,  volunteered  to  remain  in  command  of 
his  vessel,  although  his  relief  arrived  before  leaving  Hongkong. 
Assistant  Surgeon  C.  P.  Kindleberger,  of  the  Olympia,  and 
Gunner  J.  C.  Evans,  of  the  Boston,  also  volunteered  to  remain 
after  orders  detaching  them  had  arrived. 

The  conduct  of  my  personal  staff  was  excellent.  Com- 
mander B.  P.  Lamberton,  chief  of  staff,  was  a  volunteer  for 
that  position  and  gave  me  most  efficient  aid.  Lieutenant  T. 


300  APPENDIX   B 

M.  Brumby,  flag  lieutenant,  and  Ensign  W.  P.  Scott,  aid, 
performed  their  duties  as  signal  officers  in  a  highly  creditable 
manner.  The  Olympia  being  short  of  officers  for  the  battery, 
Ensign  H.  H.  Caldwell,  flag  secretary,  volunteered  for  and  was 
assigned  to  a  subdivision  of  the  5-inch  battery.  Mr.  J.  L. 
Stickney,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  United  States  Navy,  and 
now  correspondent  for  the  New  York  Herald,  volunteered  for 
duty  as  my  aid,  and  rendered  valuable  service. 

While  leaving  to  the  commanding  officers  to  comment  on 
the  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  under  their  commands,  I 
desire  especially  to  mention  the  coolness  of  Lieutenant  C.  G. 
Calkins,  the  navigator  of  the  Olympia,  who  came  under  my 
personal  observation,  being  on  the  bridge  with  me  throughout 
the  entire  action,  and  giving  the  ranges  to  the  guns  with  an 
accuracy  that  was  proven  by  the  excellence  of  the  firing. 

On  May  2,  the  day  following  the  engagement,  the  squadron 
again  went  to  Cavite,  where  it  remains.  A  landing  party  was 
sent  to  destroy  the  guns  and  magazines  of  the  batteries  there. 
The  first  battery,  near  the  end  of  Sangley  Point,  was  com- 
posed of  two  modern  Trubia  B.  L.  rifles  of  15  centimeters  caliber. 
The  second  was  one  mile  farther  down  the  beach,  and  consisted 
of  a  modern  Canet  12-centimeter  B.  L.  rifle  behind  improvised 
earthworks. 

On  the  3d  the  military  forces  evacuated  the  Cavite  arsenal, 
which  was  taken  possession  of  by  a  landing  party.  On  the 
same  day  the  Raleigh  and  Baltimore  secured  the  surrender  of 
the  batteries  on  Corregidor  Island,  paroling  the  garrison  and 
destroying  the  guns. 

On  the  morning  of  May  4  the  transport  Manila,  which 
had  been  aground  in  Bakor  Bay,  was  towed  off"  and  made  a 
prize. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
GEORGE  DEWEY, 

Commodore,  U.  S.  Navy, 

Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force  on  Asiatic  Station. 
THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


APPENDIX  C 

OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  ADMIRAL  MONTOJO 
DEPARTURE  FOR  SUBIC 

ON  the  25th  of  April,  at  n  p.  M.,  I  left  the  bay  of  Manila 
for  Subic  with  a  squadron  composed  of  the  cruisers  Reina  Cris- 
tina,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  Isla  de  Cuba,  Isla  de  Luzon,  de- 
spatch boat  Marques  del  Duero,  and  the  wooden  cruiser  Castilla. 
This  last  could  merely  be  considered  as  a  floating  battery,  in- 
capable of  maneuvering,  on  account  of  the  bad  condition  of  her 
hull.  The  following  morning,  being  at  Subic,  I  had  a  confer- 
ence with  Captain  Del  Rio,  who,  though  he  did  not  relieve  my 
anxiety  respecting  the  completion  of  the  defensive  works,  as- 
sured me  that  they  would  soon  be  finished. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  cruiser  Castilla,  even  on  this  short 
cruise,  was  making  much  water  through  the  bearings  of  the  pro- 
peller and  the  opening  astern.  They  worked  day  and  night  to 
stop  these  leaks  with  cement,  finally  making  the  vessel  nearly 
water-tight,  but  absolutely  impossible  to  use  her  engines. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2yth  I  sailed  with  the  vessels  to 
cover  the  entrance  to  the  port  of  Subic.  The  Castilla  was 
taken  to  the  northeast  point  of  Isla  Grande  to  defend  the 
western  entrance,  since  the  eastern  entrance  had  already  been 
closed  with  the  hulls  of  the  San  Quintin  and  two  old  merchant 
vessels  which  were  sunk  there. 

With  much  disgust,  I  found  that  the  guns  which  should 
have  been  mounted  on  that  island  were  delayed  a  month  and 
a  half.  This  surprised  me,  as  the  shore  batteries  that  the  navy 
had  installed  (with  very  little  difficulty)  at  the  entrance  of  the 
bay  of  Manila,  under  the  intelligent  direction  of  Colonel  of 
Naval  Artillery,  Senor  Garces,  and  Lieutenant  Venavente, 
301 


302  APPENDIX  C 

were  ready  to  fight  twenty-four  days  after  the  commencement 
of  the  work. 

I  was  also  no  less  disgusted  that  they  confided  in  the  effi- 
cacy of  the  few  torpedoes  which  they  had  found  feasible  to  put 
there. 

The  entrance  was  not  defended  by  torpedoes  nor  by  the 
batteries  of  the  island,  so  that  the  squadron  would  have  had 
to  bear  the  attack  of  the  Americans  with  its  own  resources, 
in  40  meters  of  water  and  with  little  security.  Our  vessels 
could  not  only  be  destroyed,  but  they  could  not  save  their 
crews.  I  still  held  a  hope  that  the  Americans  would  not  go 
to  Subic,  and  give  us  time  for  more  preparations,  but  the  fol- 
lowing day  I  received  from  the  Spanish  consul  at  Hong  Kong 
a  telegram  which  said:  "Enemy's  squadron  sailed  at  2  p.  M. 
from  the  bay  of  Mira,  and  according  to  reliable  accounts  they 
sailed  for  Subic  to  destroy  our  squadron,  and  then  will  go  to 
Manila." 

This  telegram  demonstrated  that  the  enemy  knew  where 
they  could  find  my  squadron  and  that  the  port  of  Subic  had  no 
defenses. 

The  same  day,  the  28th  of  April,  I  convened  a  council  of 
the  captains,  and  all,  with  the  exception  of  Del  Rio,  chief  of 
the  new  arsenal,  thought  that  the  situation  was  insupportable, 
and  that  we  should  go  to  the  bay  of  Manila  in  order  to  accept 
there  the  battle  under  less  unfavorable  conditions. 

THE    RETURN   TO   MANILA 

I  refused  to  have  our  ships  near  the  city  of  Manila,  because, 
far  from  defending  it,  this  would  provoke  the  enemy  to  bombard 
the  plaza,  which  doubtless  would  have  been  demolished  on  ac- 
count of  its  few  defenses.  It  was  unanimously  decided  that 
we  should  take  position  in  the  bay  of  Canacao,  in  the  least 
water  possible,  in  order  to  combine  our  fire  with  that  of  the 
batteries  of  Point  Sangley  and  Ulloa. 

I  immediately  ordered  Del  Rio  to  concentrate  his  forces  in 
the  most  strategic  point  of  the  arsenal,  taking  every  disposition 
to  burn  the  coal  and  stores  before  allowing  them  to  fall  into 
the  power  of  the  enemy.  I  sent  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria  to 


APPENDIX  C  303 

Manila  to  get  a  large  number  of  lighters  filled  with  sand  to 
defend  the  water  line  of  the  Castilla  (which  could  not  move) 
against  the  enemy's  shells  and  torpedoes.  At  10  A.  M.  on  the 
29th  I  left  Subic  with  the  vessels  of  my  squadron,  towing  the 
Castilla  by  the  transport  Manila. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  we  anchored  in  the  Gulf 
of  Canacao  in  8  meters  of  water.  On  the  following  morning 
we  anchored  in  line  of  battle,  the  Cristina,  Castilla,  Don  Juan 
de  Austria,  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  Luzon,  Cuba,  and  Marques 
del  Duero,  while  the  transport  Manila  was  sent  to  the  Roads  of 
Bacoor,  where  the  Velasco  and  Lezo  were  undergoing  repairs. 

At  7  P.  M.  I  received  a  telegram  from  Subic  announcing 
that  the  enemy's  squadron  had  entered  the  port  at  3,  reconnoi- 
tering,  doubtless  seeking  our  ships,  and  from  there  they  sailed 
with  course  for  Manila. 

The  mail  steamer  Isla  Mindanao  arrived  in  the  bay.  I  ad- 
vised her  captain  to  save  his  vessel  by  going  to  Singapore,  as 
the  enemy  could  not  get  into  the  entrance  probably  before 
midnight.  As  he  was  not  authorized  from  the  trans-Atlantic 
he  did  not  do  so,  and  then  I  told  him  that  he  could  anchor  in 
shallow  water  as  near  as  possible  to  Bacoor. 

At  midnight  gun  fire  was  heard  ofF  Corregidor,  and  at  2  on 
the  morning  of  the  ist  of  May  I  received  telegraphic  advices 
that  the  American  vessels  were  throwing  their  search  lights  at 
the  batteries  of  the  entrance,  with  which  they  had  exchanged 
several  shots.  I  notified  the  commanding  general  of  the  arse- 
nal, Senor  Sostoa,  and  the  general-governor  of  the  plaza,  Cap- 
tain Senor  Garcia  Pana,  that  they  should  prepare  themselves. 
I  directed  all  the  artillery  to  be  loaded,  and  all  the  sailors  and 
soldiers  to  go  to  their  stations  for  battle,  soon  to  receive  the 
enemy. 

This  is  all  that  occurred  since  I  sailed  to  Subic  until  the 
entrance  of  the  American  squadron  into  the  bay  of  Manila. 

THE    ARRIVAL    OF   THE    ENEMY 

The  squadron  being  disposed  for  action,  fires  spread,  and 
everything  in  proper  place,  we  waited  for  the  enemy's  arrival. 
All  the  vessels,  having  been  painted  dark  gray  color,  had  taken 


304  APPENDIX  C 

down  their  masts  and  yards  and  boats  to  avoid  the  effects  of 
projectiles  and  the  splinters,  had  their  anchors  buoyed  and 
cables  ready  to  slip  instantly. 

At  4  A.  M.  I  made  signal  to  prepare  for  action,  and  at  4.45 
the  Austria  signaled  the  enemy's  squadron,  a  few  minutes  after 
which  they  were  recognized,  with  some  confusion,  in  a  column 
parallel  with  ours,  at  about  6,000  meters  distant;  the  flagship 
Olympia  ahead,  followed  by  the  Baltimore,  Raleigh,  Boston, 
Concord,  Helena,  Petrel,  and  McCulloch,  and  the  two  transports 
Zafiro  and  Nanshan. 

The  force  of  these  vessels,  excepting  transports  that  were 
noncombatant,  amounted  to  21,410  tons,  49,290  horsepower, 
163  guns  (many  of  which  were  rapid  fire),  1,750  men  in  their 
crews,  and  of  an  average  velocity  of  about  17  miles.  The  power 
of  our  only  five  effective  ships  for  battle  was  represented  by 
10,111  tons,  11,200  horsepower,  76  guns  (very  short  of  rapid 
fire),  1,875  crew,  and  a  maximum  speed  of  12  miles. 

THE   FIRE    FROM    SHORE 

At  5  the  batteries  on  Point  Sangley  opened  fire.  The  two 
first  shots  fell  short  and  to  the  left  of  the  leading  vessel.  These 
shots  were  not  answered  by  the  enemy,  whose  principal  object 
was  the  squadron. 

This  battery  had  only  two  Ordonez  guns  of  15  centimeters 
mounted,  and  but  one  of  these  could  fire  in  the  direction  of  the 
opposing  fleet. 

In  a  few  minutes  one  of  the  batteries  of  Manila  opened  fire, 
and  at  5.15  I  made  signal  that  our  squadron  open  fire.  The 
enemy  answered  immediately.  The  battle  became  general. 
We  slipped  the  springs  and  the  cables  and  started  ahead  with 
the  engines,  so  as  not  to  be  involved  by  the  enemy. 

THE    BATTLE 

The  Americans  fired  most  rapidly.  There  came  upon  us 
numberless  projectiles,  as  the  three  cruisers  at  the  head  of  the 
line  devoted  themselves  almost  entirely  to  fight  the  Cristina, 
my  flagship.  A  short  time  after  the  action  commenced  one 
shell  exploded  in  the  forecastle  and  put  out  of  action  all  those 


APPENDIX  C  305 

who  served  the  four  rapid-fire  cannon,  making  splinters  of  the 
forward  mast,  which  wounded  the  helmsman  on  the  bridge, 
when  Lieut.  Jose  Nunez  took  the  wheel  with  a  coolness  worthy 
of  the  greatest  commendation,  steering  until  the  end  of  the  fight. 
In  the  meanwhile  another  shell  exploded  in  the  orlop,  setting 
fire  to  the  crews'  bags,  which  they  were  fortunately  able  to 
control. 

The  enemy  shortened  the  distance  between  us,  and,  recti- 
fying his  aim,  covered  us  with  a  rain  of  rapid-fire  projectiles. 
At  7.30  one  shell  destroyed  completely  the  steering  gear.  I 
ordered  to  steer  by  hand  while  the  rudder  was  out  of  action. 
In  the  meanwhile  another  shell  exploded  on  the  poop  and  put 
out  of  action  nine  men.  Another  destroyed  the  mizzen  mast- 
head, bringing  down  the  flag  and  my  ensign,  which  were  re- 
placed immediately.  A  fresh  shell  exploded  in  the  officers' 
cabin,  covering  the  hospital  with  blood,  destroying  the  wounded 
who  were  being  treated  there.  Another  exploded  in  the  ammu- 
nition room  astern,  filling  the  quarters  with  smoke  and  pre- 
venting the  working  of  the  hand  steering  gear.  As  it  was  im- 
possible to  control  the  fire,  I  had  to  flood  the  magazine  when 
the  cartridges  were  beginning  to  explode. 

Amidships  several  shells  of  smaller  caliber  went  through 
the  smokestack  and  one  of  the  large  ones  penetrated  the  fire 
room,  putting  out  of  action  one  master  gunner  and  12  men 
serving  the  guns.  Another  rendered  useless  the  starboard  bow 
gun;  while  the  fire  astern  increased,  fire  was  started  forward 
by  another  shell,  which  went  through  the  hull  and  exploded  on 
the  deck. 

The  broadside  guns,  being  undamaged,  continued  firing  until 
there  were  only  one  gunner  and  one  seaman  remaining  unhurt 
for  firing  them,  as  the  guns'  crews  had  been  frequently  called 
upon  to  substitute  those  charged  with  steering,  all  of  whom 
were  out  of  action. 

THE   DESTRUCTION  OF   OUR   SHIPS 

The  ship  being  out  of  control,  the  hull,  smoke  pipe,  and 
mast  riddled  with  shot  or  confused  with  the  cries  of  the  wounded; 
half  of  her  crew  out  of  action,  among  whom  were  seven  officers, 


3o6  APPENDIX  C 

I  gave  the  order  to  sink  and  abandon  the  ship  before  the  maga- 
zines should  explode,  making  signal  at  the  same  time  to  the 
Cuba  and  Luzon  to  assist  in  saving  the  rest  of  the  crew,  which 
they  did,  aided  by  others  from  the  Duero  and  the  arsenal. 

I  abandoned  the  Cristina,  directing  beforehand  to  secure 
her  flag,  and  accompanied  by  my  staff,  and  with  great  sorrow, 
I  hoisted  my  flag  on  the  cruiser  Isla  de  Cuba, 

After  having  saved  many  men  from  the  unfortunate  vessel, 
one  shell  destroyed  her  heroic  commander,  Don  Luis  Cadarso, 
who  was  directing  the  rescue. 

The  Ulloa,  which  also  defended  herself  firmly,  using  the 
only  two  guns  which  were  available,  was  sunk  by  a  shell  which 
entered  the  water  line,  putting  out  of  action  her  commander 
and  half  of  her  remaining  crew,  those  which  were  only  remain- 
ing for  the  service  of  the  two  guns  stated. 

The  Castilla,  which  fought  heroically,  remained  with  her 
artillery  useless,  except  one  stern  gun,  with  which  they  fought 
spiritedly,  was  riddled  with  shot  and  set  on  fire  by  the  enemy's 
shells,  then  sunk,  and  was  abandoned  by  her  crew  in  good  order, 
which  was  directed  by  her  commander,  Don  Alonzo  Algado. 
The  casualties  on  this  ship  were  23  killed  and  80  wounded. 

The  Austria,  very  much  damaged  and  on  fire,  went  to  the 
aid  of  the  Castilla.  The  Luzon  had  three  guns  dismounted, 
and  was  slightly  damaged  in  the  hull.  The  Duero  remained 
with  one  of  her  engines  useless,  the  bow  gun  of  12  centimeters 
and  one  of  the  redoubts. 

At  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy's  squadron  having 
suspended  its  fire,  I  ordered  the  ships  that  remained  to  us  to 
take  positions  in  the  bottom  of  the  Roads  at  Bacoor,  and  there 
to  resist  to  the  last  moment,  and  that  they  should  be  sunk 
before  they  surrendered. 

THE    SINKING 

At  10.30  the  enemy  returned,  forming  a  circle  to  destroy 
the  arsenal  and  the  ships  which  remained  to  me,  opening  upon 
them  a  horrible  fire,  which  we  answered  as  far  as  we  could  with 
the  few  cannon  which  we  still  had  mounted. 

There  remained  the  last  recourse  to  sink  our  vessels,  and 


APPENDIX  C  307 

we  accomplished  this  operation,  taking  care  to  save  the  flag, 
the  distinguishing  pennant,  the  money  in  the  safe,  the  portable 
arms,  the  breech  plugs  of  the  guns,  and  the  signal  codes. 

After  which  I  went  with  my  staff  to  the  Convent  of  Santo 
Domingo  de  Cavite,  to  be  cured  of  a  wound  received  in  the  left 
leg,  and  to  telegraph  a  brief  report  of  the  action,  with  prelim- 
inaries and  results. 

THE  JUDGMENT  OF  THE  ADMIRAL 

It  remains  only  to  say  that  all  the  chiefs,  officers,  engineers, 
quartermasters,  gunners,  sailors,  and  soldiers  rivalled  one  an- 
other in  sustaining  with  honor  the  good  name  of  the  navy  on 
this  sad  day. 

The  inefficiency  of  the  vessels  which  composed  my  little 
squadron,  the  lack  of  all  classes  of  the  personnel,  especially 
master  gunners  and  seamen  gunners;  the  inaptitude  of  some 
of  the  provisional  machinists,  the  scarcity  of  rapid-fire  cannon, 
the  strong  crews  of  the  enemy,  and  the  unprotected  character 
of  the  greater  part  of  our  vessels,  all  contributed  to  make  more 
decided  the  sacrifice  which  we  made  for  our  country  and  to 
prevent  the  possibility  of  the  horrors  of  the  bombardment  of 
the  city  of  Manila,  with  the  conviction  that  with  the  scarcity 
of  our  force  against  the  superior  enemy  we  were  going  to  cer- 
tain death  and  could  expect  a  loss  of  all  our  ships. 

Our  casualties,  including  those  of  the  arsenal,  amounted 
to  381  men  killed  and  wounded. 


APPENDIX  D 

OFFICE  OF  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE 
PHILIPPINES. 

Personal.  MANILA,  26  September,  1898. 

To  His  EXCELLENCY, 

REAR-ADMIRAL  DEWEY. 
My  dear  Sir: 

With  all  my  consideration  and  special  respect,  I  present 
my  earnest  thanks  for  the  amiable  reply  which  you  took  occa- 
sion to  send  to  my  letter  in  your  communication  of  the  24th 
ultimo,  regretting  also  that  the  circumstances  in  which  we  find 
ourselves  do  not  permit  me  to  convey  my  feelings  by  conver- 
sation. 

Being  called  to  Madrid  to  make  answer  to  the  charges  which 
may  be  made  against  me,  principally  for  going  to  Subic  and  for 
the  loss  of  my  squadron  at  Cavite,  I  have  to  defend  myself 
from  the  calumny  which  may  be  raised  against  me;  for  this 
purpose  it  would  be  of  the  greatest  utility  and  much  force  if  I 
were  able  to  offer  the  highly  valuable  testimony  of  the  author- 
ized opinion  of  yourself,  the  distinguished  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  squadron  which  I  had  the  honor  of  engaging. 

For  this  purpose  I  am  compelled  to  put  on  record: 

1.  That  the  port  of  Subic  was  without  shore  fortifications 
or  submarine  torpedoes  at  its  entrance. 

2.  That  the  destruction  of  my  squadron,  given  the  superi- 
ority of  yours,  would  have  been  far  more  complete  at  Subic  than 
at  Cavite  because  the  depth  of  water  being  much  greater  in  the 
former  port,  ships  and  men  would  have  sunk,  causing  great  loss 
of  life. 

3.  That  you  did  not  find  us  unready  at  the  entrance  of 
Manila  Bay  and  still  less  so  at  Cavite,  and  if  fortune  did  not 

308 


APPENDIX  D  309 

favor  the  Spaniards  it  was  not  for  lack  of  valor  but  principally 
because  we  had  poor  ships. 

I  know  that  my  temerity  in  making  this  request  of  you  is 
very  great;  but  invoking  the  fact  that  we  belong  to  the  same 
profession  and  remembering  that  you  have  more  than  once 
had  the  kindness  to  praise  my  conduct,  I  force  myself  to  believe 
that  this  will  be  well  received. 

The  affair  has  an  immense  importance  for  me  since  it  is 
closely  related  to  my  honor  and  personal  reputation. 

I  have  another  request  to  make  of  you,  and  that  is  in  favor 
of  Captain  Del  Rio,  old  and  sick,  late  naval  commandant  at 
Subic,  and  the  officers,  sailors  and  soldiers  who  are  with  him 
in  the  power  of  the  insurgents,  and  very  badly  treated.  If  you 
would  consent  to  arrange  for  their  transfer  to  Manila,  continu- 
ing as  prisoners,  they  would  be  satisfied. 

For  my  part,  after  begging  your  pardon  a  thousand  times 
for  the  liberty  which  I  am  taking,  I  hope  that  you  will  kindly 
grant  my  request,  for  which  your  faithful  servant  will  be  eter- 
nally grateful. 

PATRICIO  MONTOJO. 

REAR-ADMIRAL  MONTOJO, 

Manila. 
My  dear  Sir: 

It  gives  me  pleasure,  replying  to  your  letter  of  the  26th 
instant,  to  record  my  testimony  in  favor  of  a  gallant  foe. 

1.  In  regard  to  the  port  of  Subic,  it  was  carefully  reconnoi- 
tred on  the  3<Dth  of  April  by  three  of  my  ships,  two  of  which 
made  the  complete  circuit  of  the  bay  without  finding  anything 
to  oppose  them. 

2.  Your  statement  as  to  the  probability  of  greater  loss  of 
life  in  a  deep  bay  like  that  of  Subic  than  in  shoal  water  as  at 
Cavite,  appears  to  me  to  be  incontrovertible. 

3.  Although  without  accurate  knowledge  as  to  the  condi- 
tion of  your  ships,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  to  you  what 
I  have  already  had  the  honor  to  report  to  my  government,  that 
your  defense  at  Cavite  was  gallant  in  the  extreme.     The  fight- 
ing of  your  flagship,  which  was  singled  out  for  attack,  was  es- 


310  APPENDIX  D 

pecially  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  traditions  of  valor  of  your 
nation. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  assure  you  that  I  very  much  regret 
that  calumnies  have  been  cast  at  you,  and  am  confident  that 
your  honor  cannot  be  dimmed  by  them. 

With  assurances  of  my  highest  consideration, 

Very  sincerely, 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 
Rear-Admiral,  U.  S.  N.,  Comdg.  Asiatic  Station. 


APPENDIX  E 

WASHINGTON,  May  26,  1898. 
DEWEY  (care  American  Consul)  Hongkong: 

You  must  exercise  discretion  most  fully  in  all  matters,  and 
be  governed  according  to  circumstance  which  you  know  and 
we  cannot  know.  You  have  our  confidence  entirely.  It  is  de- 
sirable, as  far  as  possible,  and  consistent  for  your  success  and 
safety,  not  to  have  political  alliances  with  the  insurgents  or 
any  faction  in  the  islands  that  would  incur  liability  to  maintain 
their  cause  in  the  future.  LONG. 

WASHINGTON,  June  14,  1898. 
DEWEY  (care  American  Consul)  Hongkong: 

Report  fully  any  conferences,  relations,  or  cooperations, 
military  or  otherwise,  which  you  have  had  with  Aguinaldo,  and 
keep  informed  the  Department  in  that  respect.  LONG. 

HONGKONG,  June  6,  1898  (CAVITE,  June  3). 
SECRETARY  OF  NAVY,  Washington: 

Receipt  of  telegram  of  May  26  is  acknowledged,  and  I  thank 
the  Department  for  the  expression  of  confidence.  Have  acted 
according  to  the  spirit  of  Department's  instructions  therein 
from  the  beginning,  and  I  have  entered  into  no  alliance  with 
the  insurgents  or  with  any  faction.  This  squadron  can  reduce 
the  defenses  of  Manila  at  any  moment,  but  it  is  considered 
useless  until  the  arrival  of  sufficient  United  States  forces  to 
retain  possession.  DEWEY. 

HONGKONG,  June  27,  1898. 
SECRETARY  OF  NAVY,  Washington: 

Receipt  of  telegram  of  June  14  is  acknowledged.     Aguinaldo, 
insurgent  leader,  with  thirteen  of  his  staff,  arrived  May  19,  by 
3" 


312  APPENDIX  E 

permission,  on  Nanshan.  Established  self  Cavite,  outside  ar- 
senal, under  the  protection  of  our  guns,  and  organized  his  army. 
I  have  had  several  conferences  with  him,  generally  of  a  personal 
nature.  Consistently  I  have  refrained  from  assisting  him  in 
any  way  with  the  force  under  my  command,  and  on  several 
occasions  I  have  declined  requests  that  I  should  do  so,  telling 
him  the  squadron  could  not  act  until  the  arrival  of  the  United 
States  troops.  At  the  same  time  I  have  given  him  to  under- 
stand that  I  consider  insurgents  as  friends,  being  opposed  to  a 
common  enemy.  He  has  gone  to  attend  a  meeting  of  insur- 
gent leaders  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  civil  government. 
Aguinaldo  has  acted  independently  of  the  squadron,  but  has 
kept  me  advised  of  his  progress,  which  has  been  wonderful.  I 
have  allowed  to  pass  by  water  recruits,  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  to  take  such  Spanish  arms  and  ammunition  from  the 
arsenal  as  he  needed.  Have  advised  frequently  to  conduct  the 
war  humanely,  which  he  has  done  invariably.  My  relations 
with  him  are  cordial,  but  I  am  not  in  his  confidence.  The 
United  States  has  not  been  bound  in  any  way  to  assist  insur- 
gents by  any  act  or  promises,  and  he  is  not,  to  my  knowledge, 
committed  to  assist  us.  I  believe  he  expects  to  capture  Ma- 
nila without  my  assistance,  but  doubt  ability,  they  not  yet  hav- 
ing many  guns.  In  my  opinion,  these  people  are  far  superior 
in  their  intelligence  and  more  capable  of  self-government  than 
the  natives  of  Cuba,  and  I  am  familiar  with  both  races. 

DEWEY. 

FILIPINOS: 

The  great  North  American  nation,  the  cradle  of  genuine 
liberty,  and  therefore  the  friend  of  our  people,  oppressed  and 
enslaved  by  the  tyranny  and  despotism  of  its  rulers,  has  come 
to  us  manifesting  a  protection  as  decisive  as  it  is  undoubtedly 
disinterested  toward  our  inhabitants,  considering  us  as  suffi- 
ciently civilized  and  capable  of  governing  for  ourselves  our  un- 
fortunate country.  In  order  to  maintain  this  high  estimate 
granted  us  by  the  generous  North  American  nation  we  should 
abominate  all  those  deeds  which  tend  to  lower  this  opinion, 
which  are  pillage,  theft,  and  all  sorts  of  crimes  leading  to  persons 


APPENDIX   E  313 

or  property,  with  the  purpose  of  avoiding  international  con- 
flicts during  the  period  of  our  campaign. 

I  decree  as  follows: 

Article  I.  The  lives  and  property  of  all  foreigners,  Chinese 
being  included  in  this  denomination,  shall  be  respected,  as  well 
as  that  of  all  Spaniards  who  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  con- 
tributed to  carry  on  war  against  us. 

Article  II.  Enemies  who  lay  down  their  arms  must  also  be 
respected  in  like  manner. 

Article  III.  All  hospitals  and  ambulances  must  likewise 
be  respected,  as  well  as  all  persons  and  goods  found  therein, 
including  the  staff"  on  duty,  unless  they  manifest  hostility. 

Article  IV.  Those  who  disobey  what  is  prescribed  in  these 
preceding  articles  shall  be  tried  by  summary  process,  and  put 
to  death  if  the  said  disobedience  has  resulted  in  murder,  rob- 
bery, or  rape. 

Given  in  Cavite,  the  24th  of  May,  1898. 

EMILIO  AGUINALDO. 


APPENDIX  F 

The  following  extracts  from  the  writings  of  well-known  au- 
thorities on  the  subject  are  given  in  Stockton's  Manual  of 
Snow's  International  Law: 

It  may  be  a  serious  disadvantage,  if  not  positive  injury, 
to  a  blockading  belligerent  to  have  a  blockaded  port  subject 
to  frequent  or  sympathetic  visits  of  a  neutral  vessel  of  war. 
The  tendencies  favor  a  limitation  of  such  visits  which  usage 
permits  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  alone.  The  vessel  of  war  de- 
siring to  enter  the  blockaded  port  should,  in  seeking  permis- 
sion, if  necessary,  establish  her  identity  to  the  blockading  ves- 
sels. Quotations  from  authorities  upon  this  subject  follow  here: 

Perels,  a  German  authority,  makes  the  following  statement 
upon  the  subject,  which  is  the  more  interesting  from  his  posi- 
tion as  lecturer  at  the  Imperial  Naval  Academy  at  Kiel.  In  his 
work,  translated  into  French  by  Arendt,  he  says,  on  page  203 : 

"La  fermeture  de  la  place  bloquee  doit  etre  respectee  par 
les  navires  de  guerre  et  de  commerce  neutres;  il  n'est  pas  rare, 
cependant,  que  les  navires  de  guerre  neutres  soient  exceptes 
de  la  prohibition  d'entrer.  .  .  .  Le  Gouvernement  fran9ais 
avait  adopte  une  regie  contraire  en  1838,  lorsqu'il  fit  mettre, 
par  sa  flotte,  les  cotes  de  la  republique  Argentine  en  etat  de 
blocus.  Le  departement  des  affaires  etrangeres  rendit  alors  le 
decret  suivant:  'Les  batiments  de  guerre  neutres  se  presentant 
devant  un  port  bloque  doivent  aussi  etre  invites  a  s'eloigner; 
s'ils  persistent,  le  commandant  du  blocus  a  le  droit  de  s'opposer 
a  leur  entree  par  la  force,  et  la  responsabilite  de  tout  ce  qui  peut 
s'en  suivre  pesera  sur  les  violateurs  du  blocus.'" 

Captain  Testa,  of  the  Portuguese  navy,  professor  at  the 
naval  school  in  Lisbon,  in  the  French  translation  of  his  work, 
by  M.  Boutiron,  states  on  page  225  that — 


APPENDIX   F  315 

"D'accord  avec  les  principes  admis,  le  blocus  etablit  le  droit 
de  prohiber  1'entree  des  points  bloques  tant  pour  les  navires  de 
guerre  que  pour  les  navires  de  commerce.  Cependant,  les 
puissances  qui  etablissent  le  blocus  autorisent  souvent  la  libre 
entree  et  la  sortie  des  navires  de  guerre  neutres  par  la  consi- 
deration qu'il  n'est  pas  presumable  d'apres  leur  caractere,  qu'ils 
aillent  aider  le  belligerent  bloque;  et  qu'en  outre,  la  fin  prin- 
cipale  du  blocus  etant  d'interdire  le  commerce  par  mer,  1'entree 
ou  la  sortie  des  navires  de  guerre  impartiaux  et  non  com- 
ne  porte  pas  prejudice  a  ce  but." 


Calvo  says,  in  section  2561,  page  97,  of  volume  4,  that  — 
"En  droit  1'acces  et  la  sortie  d'un  port  bloque  sont  interdits 
aussi  bien  aux  batiments  de  guerre  qu'aux  navires  de  commerce. 
"'Un  batiment  de  guerre,'  dit  Wheaton,  'n'a  pas  le  droit 
d'entrer  dans  un  port  bloque  ni  d'en  sortir,  a  moins  qu'ii  n'y 
fut  deja  a  1'epoque  ou  a  commence  le  blocus.'  .  .  ." 

Mr.  J.  H.  Ferguson,  formerly  of  the  Netherlands  royal  navy, 
and  at  one  time  minister  of  the  Netherlands  in  China,  says  in 
his  manual,  volume  2,  page  486,  article  276: 

"During  the  continuance  of  the  state  of  blockade  no  vessels 
are  allowed  to  enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  place  without  special 
license  or  consent  of  the  blockading  authority.  Public  vessels 
or  vessels  of  war  of  neutral  powers  are  all  equally  bound  by  the 
same  obligation  to  respect  the  blockade.  When  the  public  ves- 
sel of  a  neutral  state  wishes  to  have  communication  with  a 
blockaded  place,  the  neutral  commanding  officer  is  obliged  to 
observe  strict  neutrality  and  to  comply  with  the  conditions 
under  which  such  permission  has  been  granted  to  cross  the  lines 
of  the  blockading  belligerent.  .  .  ." 

Walker,  on  page  522,  says: 

"The  stringency  of  a  blockade  may  indeed  be  relaxed  in 
two  peculiar  cases.  After  the  expiration  of  the  period  ap- 
pointed for  the  withdrawal  of  ordinary  neutral  private  vessels, 
and  at  any  time  during  the  continuance  of  the  investment  men- 
of-war  flying  the  flags  of  neutral  powers  are  commonly  by  cour- 


3i6  APPENDIX  F 

tesy  permitted  to  communicate  with  the  blockaded  ports,  and 
to  maintain  the  public  correspondence  of  their  own  or  other 
neutral  governments  with  their  respective  consular  or  diplo- 
matic agents.  It  behooves  such  licensed  carriers,  however,  to 
see  to  it  that  their  privilege  does  not  become  a  cloak  for  ille- 
gitimate dealings.  .  .  ." 


APPENDIX  G 

HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  LAND  AND  NAVAL  FORCES, 
MANILA  BAY,  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 

August  7th,  1898. 
To  THE  GENERAL  IN  CHIEF, 

Commanding  Spanish  Forces  in  Manila. 
Sir: 

We  have  the  honor  to  notify  your  Excellency  that  operations 
of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  against  the 
defenses  of  Manila  may  begin  at  any  time  after  the  expiration 
of  forty-eight  hours  from  the  hour  of  receipt  by  you  of  this  com- 
munication, or  sooner  if  made  necessary  by  an  attack  on  your 
part. 

This  notice  is  given  in  order  to  afford  you  an  opportunity 
to  remove  all  non-combatants  from  the  city. 
Very  respectfully, 

WESLEY  MERRITT, 
Major-General,  U.  S.  Army, 
Commanding  Land  Forces  of  the  United  States. 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 
Rear-Admiral,  U.  S.  Navy, 
Commanding  United  States  Naval  Force  on  Asiatic  Station. 

MANILA,  August  7,  1898. 
To  THE  MAJOR-GENERAL  OF  THE  ARMY, 
AND  THE  REAR-ADMIRAL  OF  THE  NAVY, 

Commanding  respectively  the  Military  and 

Naval  Forces  of  the  United  States. 
Gentlemen  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  Your  Excellencies  that  at 
half-past  twelve  today  I  received  the  notice  with  which  you 


3i8  APPENDIX  G 

favor  me,  that  after  forty-eight  hours  have  elapsed  you 
may  begin  operations  against  this  fortified  city,  or  at  an 
earlier  hour  if  the  forces  under  your  command  are  attacked  by 
mine. 

As  your  notice  is  sent  for  the  purpose  of  providing  for  the 
safety  of  non-combatants,  I  give  thanks  to  Your  Excellencies 
for  the  humane  sentiments  you  have  shown,  and  state  that,  find- 
ing myself  surrounded  by  insurrectionary  forces,  I  am  with- 
out places  of  refuge  for  the  increased  numbers  of  wounded, 
sick,  women  and  children,  who  are  now  lodged  within  the 
walls. 

Very  respectfully,  and  kissing  the  hands  of  your  Excellen- 
cies, 

FERMIN  JAUDENES, 
Governor-General  and  Captain-General 
of  the  Philippines. 


HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  LAND  AND  NAVAL  FORCES 
MANILA  BAY,  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 

August  9,  1898. 
Sir  : 

The  inevitable  suffering  in  store  for  the  wounded,  sick, 
women  and  children,  in  the  event  that  it  becomes  our  duty  to 
reduce  the  defenses  of  the  walled  town  in  which  they  are  gath- 
ered, will,  we  feel  assured,  appeal  successfully  to  the  sympathies 
of  a  general  capable  of  making  the  determined  and  prolonged 
resistance  which  Your  Excellency  has  exhibited  after  the  loss  of 
your  naval  forces,  and  without  hope  of  succor. 

We  therefore  submit,  without  prejudice  to  the  high  senti- 
ments of  honor  and  duty  which  Your  Excellency  entertains, 
that  surrounded  on  every  side  as  you  are  by  a  constantly  in- 
creasing force,  with  a  powerful  fleet  in  your  front,  and  deprived 
of  all  prospect  of  reinforcement  and  assistance,  a  most  useless 
sacrifice  of  life  would  result  in  the  event  of  an  attack,  and  there- 
fore every  consideration  of  humanity  makes  it  imperative  that 
you  should  not  subject  your  city  to  the  horrors  of  a  bombard- 


APPENDIX  G  319 

ment.     Accordingly  we  demand  the  surrender  of  the  city  of 
Manila,  and  the  Spanish  forces  under  your  command. 
Very  respectfully, 

WESLEY  MERRITT, 
Major-General,  U.  S.  A., 
Commanding  Land  Forces  of  the  United  States. 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 
Rear-Admiral,  U.  S.  N., 

Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force  on  Asiatic  Station. 
THE  GOVERNOR-GENERAL  AND  CAPTAIN-GENERAL 
OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

THE  GOVERNOR-GENERAL  AND  CAPTAIN-GENERAL  OF  THE  PHIL- 
IPPINES TO  THE  MAJOR-GENERAL  OF  THE  ARMY,  AND  THE 
REAR-ADMIRAL  OF  THE  NAVY, 

Commanding  respectively  the  Military  and  Naval  • 

Force  of  the  United  States. 
Gentlemen : 

Having  received  an  intimation  from  Your  Excellencies  that, 
in  obedience  to  sentiments  of  humanity  to  which  you  appeal 
and  which  I  share,  I  should  surrender  this  city  and  the  forces 
under  my  orders,  I  have  assembled  the  Council  of  Defense  which 
declares  that  your  request  cannot  be  granted,  but  taking  ac- 
count of  the  most  exceptional  circumstances  existing  in  this 
city  which  Your  Excellencies  recite  and  which  I  unfortunately 
have  to  admit,  I  would  consult  my  Government  if  Your  Ex- 
cellencies will  grant  the  time  strictly  necessary  for  this  com- 
munication by  way  of  Hong  Kong. 

Very  respectfully,  FERMIN  JAUDENES, 
Governor-General  and  Captain-General  of  the  Philippines. 

HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  LAND  AND  NAVAL  FORCES, 
MANILA  BAY,  August  loth,  1898. 
To  THE  GOVERNOR-GENERAL  AND  CAPTAIN-GENERAL 

OF  THE  PHILIPPINES  ISLANDS. 
Sir : 

We  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  communication  of 
Your  Excellency  of  the  8th  instant,  in  which  you  suggest  your 


320  APPENDIX  G 

desire  to  consult  your  government  in  regard  to  the  exceptional 
circumstances  in  your  city,  provided  the  time  to  do  so  can  be 
granted  by  us. 

In  reply  we  respectfully  inform  Your  Excellency  that  we 
decline  to  grant  the  time  requested. 

Very  respectfully, 

WESLEY  MERRITT, 
Major-General,  U.  S.  Army, 
Commanding  United  States  Land  Forces. 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 
Rear-Admiral  U.  S.  Navy, 
Commanding  United  States  Naval  Forces,  Asiatic  Station. 


APPENDIX  H 

PRELIMINARY  AGREEMENT  entered  into  this  day  in  regard  to 
capitulation  of  the  Spanish  Army  in  the  Philippines,  de- 
tails to  be  arranged  by  a  joint  commission. 

The  capitulation  will  be  under  the  following  terms: 

1.  The  military  forces  of  the  United  States  shall  occupy  the 
city  and  the  defenses  of  Manila  until  in  the  treaty  of  peace  be- 
tween the  two  belligerent  powers  may  be  agreed  the  final  fate 
of  the  city. 

2.  It  being  impossible  for  the  Spanish  forces  of  the  garrison 
to  evacuate  the  place  either  by  sea,  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
steamers,  or  by  land  on  account  of  the  insurgents,  it  is  hereby 
agreed  that  all  the  fighting  forces  capitulate  with  the  honors 
of  war,  the  officers  keeping  their  swords,  guns,  horses  and  furni- 
ture, and  the  troops  will  deposit  theirs  in  the  place  agreed. 

3.  All  persons  included  in  the  capitulation  will  be  at  liberty, 
being  allowed  to  live  in  their  abodes,  which  shall  be  respected. 

4.  The  Spanish  troops  will  remain  in  their  barracks  at  the 
orders  of  their  chiefs. 

5.  The  authorities  and  the  forces  of  North  America  will 
carefully  respect  the  persons,  their  dwellings  and  property,  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Manila  and  its  suburbs. 

6.  The   banks,   credit  societies,   industrial   establishments, 
and  those  for  educational  purposes  or  any  other,  the  object 
of  which  is  humanity  and  civilization,  shall  continue  open 
according  to  their  regulations,  unless  modified  by  the  author- 
ities of  the  United  States  as  circumstances  may  require. 

7.  The  expenses  of  living  of  the  military  and  navy  men  will 
be  paid  with  the  funds  of  the  Spanish  treasury  if  there  be  enough, 
and  in  the  contrary  they  will  be  aided  with  the  amount  that 
corresponds  to  the  prisoners  of  war,  according  to  their  rank. 

321 


322  APPENDIX  H 

8.  The  repatriation  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  and  their 
families  will  be  at  the  cost  of  the  United  States  and  also  of  the 
native  officers  which  may  desire  to  return  to  Spain. 

9.  The  native  troops  will  be  dismissed  from  the  service. 

10.  The  United  States  authorities,  to  the  best  of  their  abil- 
ity, guarantee  and  will  insure  the  safety  of  the  lives  and  prop- 
erties of  the  inhabitants  of  Manila. 

The  yth  Article  shall  be  construed  to  cover  rations  and 
necessary  supplies.  The  United  States  to  determine  what  is 
necessary. 

Complete  returns  of  men  shall  be  rendered  to  the  United 
States  authorities  by  organizations,  and  also  full  lists  of  public 
property  and  stores  in  their  possession. 

The  question  of  returning  troops  to  Spain  and  the  expenses 
thereof  to  be  determined  by  the  United  States  Government  at 
Washington. 

Arms  will  be  returned  to  the  men  at  the  discretion  of  the 
U.  S.  authorities,  and  officers  shall  retain  their  side  arms. 

FERMIN  JAUDENES.  WESLEY  MERRITT, 

Major-General,  U.  S.  A. 

MANILA,  August  i4th,  1898. 

THE  UNDERSIGNED,  having  been  appointed  a  commis- 
sion to  determine  the  details  of  capitulation  of  the  city  and  de- 
fenses of  Manila  and  its  suburbs,  and  the  Spanish  forces  sta- 
tioned therein,  in  accordance  with  the  agreement  entered  into 
the  previous  day  by  Major-General  Wesley  Merritt,  U.  S. 
Army,  American  Commander-in-Chief  in  the  Philippines,  and 
His  Excellency  Don  Fermin  Jaudenes,  Acting  General-in-Chief 
of  the  Spanish  Army  in  the  Philippines,  HAVE  AGREED 
UPON  THE  FOLLOWING: 

i.  The  Spanish  troops,  European  and  native,  capitulate 
with  the  city  and  defenses,  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  deposit- 
ing their  arms  in  the  places  designated  by  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States,  and  remain  in  the  quarters  designated  and  under 
the  orders  of  their  officers  and  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
aforesaid  United  States  authorities,  until  the  conclusion  of  a 


APPENDIX  H  323 

treaty  of  peace  between  the  two  belligerent  nations.  All  per- 
sons included  in  the  capitulation  remain  at  liberty  and  officers 
remaining  in  their  respective  homes,  which  shall  be  respected 
as  long  as  they  observe  the  regulations  prescribed  for  their 
government  and  the  laws  in  force. 

2.  Officers  shall  retain  their  side  arms,  horses,  and  private 
property. 

3.  All  public  horses  and  public  property  of  all  kinds  shall 
be  turned   over  to   staff  officers    designated    by  the   United 
States. 

4.  Complete  returns  in  duplicate  of  men  by  organizations, 
and  full  lists  of  public  property  and  stores,  shall  be  rendered  to 
the  United  States  within  ten  days  from  this  date. 

5.  All  questions  relating  to  the  repatriation  of  officers  and 
men  of  the  Spanish  forces  and  of  their  families  and  of  the  ex- 
penses which  said  repatriation  may  occasion,  shall  be  referred 
to   the   Government    of    the   United    States   at   Washington. 
Spanish  families  may  leave  Manila  at  any  time  convenient 
to  them. 

6.  Officers  included  in  the  capitulation  shall  be  supplied  by 
the  United  States,  according  to  their  rank,  with  rations  and 
necessary  aid,  as  though  they  were  prisoners  of  war,  until  the 
conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain.     All  the  funds  in  the  Spanish  treasury  and  all  other 
public  funds  shall  be  turned  over  to  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States. 

7.  This  city,  its  inhabitants,  its  churches  and  religious  wor- 
ship, its  educational  establishments,  and  its  private  property 
of  all  descriptions,  are  placed  under  the  special  safeguard  of 
the  faith  and  honor  of  the  American  army. 

F.  V.  GREENE,  Brig.  Gen.  of  Volunteers,  U.  S.  Army. 

B.  P.  LAMBERTON,  Captain,  U.  S.  Navy. 

CHARLES  A.  WHITTIER,  Lieut.  Col.  and  Inspector  General. 

E.  H.  CROWDER,  Lieut.  Col.  and  Judge  Advocate. 

NICOLAS  DE  LA  PENA,  Auditor  General  Excmo. 

CARLOS  REYES,  Coronel  de  Ingenieros. 

JOSE  MARI'A  OLAQUEN  FELI'N,  Coronel  de  Estado  Mayor. 


324  APPENDIX  H 


UNITED  STATES  NAVAL  FORCE  ON  ASIATIC  STATION 

Flagship  Olympia, 

MANILA,  P.  I.,  August  18,  1898. 
SIR: 

1.  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  at  9  A.  M.  on  August 
1 3th,  the  Squadron  left  its  anchorage  at  Cavite  and  took  posi- 
tion off  the  city  of  Manila. 

2.  The  flagship  Olympia,  Raleigh  and  Petrel  then  proceeded 
to  shell  the  magazine,  fort,  and  entrenchments  at  Malate,  an 
army  column  attacking  from  the  southward  at  the  same  time, 
accompanied  by  the  gunboat  Callao  and  tug  Barcelo,  well  in- 
shore.    Commenced  firing  at  9.35  and  ceased  firing  at  10.32, 
the  fort  being  silenced  and  the  enemy  retreating  into  the  city 
closely  followed  by  the  army  advancing  along  the  beach,  with 
the  Callao  and  Barcelo  on  its  flank. 

3.  The  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  took  the  positions  as- 
signed them  opposite  the  principal  batteries  along  the  water 
front,  as  did  also  the  Olympia,  Raleigh  and  Petrel  after  the  re- 
duction of  the  fort  at  Malate. 

4.  At  1 1  A.  M.  hoisted  the  international  signal,  Do  you  sur- 
render? and  at  11.20  a  white  flag  was  seen  on  the  city  wall. 
After  preliminary  conference,  General  Merritt  landed  with  600 
troops  and  arranged  the  terms  of  surrender. 

5.  The  Spanish  flag  was  hauled  down  by  Lieutenant  Brumby 
of  my  staff,  who  hoisted  the  United  States  flag  at  5.43  p.  M. 
A  company  of  troops  with  a  regimental  band  happening  to  be 
marching  past,  saluted  the  colors  as  they  went  up  and  played 
the  national  air.     The  vessels  of  the  Squadron  fired  a  national 
salute. 

6.  I  have  the  honor  and  pleasure  to  forward  the  Spanish 
flag  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  also  the  colors  of  the  armed 
transport  Cebu,  their  only  remaining  naval  vessel. 

7.  The  forts  and  batteries  on  the  bay  front  of  the  city  con- 
tained the  following  guns: 

Four  B.  L.  R.  of  24  cm.  (9.4  inches),  distributed  as  follows: 
two  in  battery  north  of  Ermita,  one  outside  moat  near  south- 


APPENDIX  H  325 

west  angle  of  city  wall,  and  one  outside  wall  near  northwest 
angle,  opposite  Fort  Santiago. 

Four  B.  L.  R.  guns  of  14  cm.  (5.5  inches)  in  battery  near 
middle  of  west  front  outside  walls. 

Two  B.  L.  R.  bronze  guns  of  15  cm.  (5.9  inches)  on  siege 
carriages  near  the  preceding. 

Two  B.  L.  R.  guns  of  12  cm.  (4.7  inches)  on  siege  carriages 
in  battery  at  the  end  of  south  mole  of  Pasig  River. 

Nine  muzzle-loading  rifled  mortars  of  21  cm.  (8.3  inches), 
four  in  battery  outside  southwest  angle  of  city  walls,  and  five 
on  the  city  wall  between  the  two  gates  of  the  west  front. 

All  these  guns  were  mounted  behind  earthworks,  with  well- 
supplied  and  protected  magazines  at  hand.  There  are  also  the 
following  serviceable  guns: 

Eighteen  M.  L.  R.  guns  of  16  cm.  (6.3  inches)  distributed  as 
follows:  Nine  on  southwest  angle  of  city  wall,  five  in  Fort  San- 
tiago (northwest  angle  of  city  wall),  two  in  front  of  flagstaff, 
and  two  in  battery  on  outer  end  of  south  mole  of  Pasig  River. 

Eight  B.  L.  Krupp  field  pieces  distributed  along  city  wall. 
Also  numerous  saluting  guns  and  obsolete  guns  and  mortars. 

8.  Under  a  separate  cover,  I  forward  for  the  information  of 
the  Department  plan  showing  sea  front  of  walled  city  and  loca- 
tion of  principal  batteries  as  determined  by  special  reconnais- 
sance on  August  i5th,  1898. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully, 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 
Rear- Admiral,  U.  S.  Navy, 

Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force  on  Asiatic  Station. 
THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Agawam,  The,  117,  118,  119,  120, 

128. 
Aguinaldo,  Emilio,  245,  246,  247, 

262,  270,  284,  311,  313. 
Alabama,  The,  45,  137,  220. 
Albatross,  The,  89,  91. 
Alden,   Captain  James,  60,   116, 

117. 

Alexandria,  29. 
Alfonso  II,  The,  256. 
Algado,  Captain,  295,  306. 
"American  Notes,"  Dickens's,  21. 
Anderson,  Brigadier-General,  250, 

268. 
Andre,  M.  Edouard,  272,  273,  275, 

279. 
Annapolis,  10,  12,  13,  14,  16,  17, 

36,  40,  50,  75,  108, 141, 142, 143, 

158. 

Appomattox,  137. 
Arabi  Pasha,  the  rebellion,  199. 
Argos,  The,  295. 
Arthur,  President,  151. 
Australia,  The,  250. 

Bacoor,  222. 

Badger,  Rear-Admiral,  145. 

Bailey,  Theodorus,  54,  61,  69. 

Bakor  Bay,  297,  300. 

Baltimore,  The,  171, 188,  192,  193, 
194, 196,  205,  212,  220,  223,  226, 
238,  277,  294,  298,  300,  304. 

Bancroft,  George,  10,  12, 152, 153. 

Barcelo,  The,  239,  278. 

Barker,  Rear- Admiral  Albert  S., 
95,  287. 

Barren,  Commodore,  20. 

Batcheller,  Ensign,  101,  102. 


Beaufort,  132,  134. 
Benavente,  Lieutenant,  295. 
Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  79. 
Black,    Major-General   W.,    182, 

193- 

Elaine,  James  G.,  151. 
Blake,  Francis,  144. 
Blake,  Captain  George  S.,  20. 
Blake,  Mrs.,  20. 

"Blood  is  thicker  than  water,"  31. 
Boca  Chica,  197,  202,  263. 
Boca  Grande,  197,  198,  199,  202, 

208,  209,  231,  297. 
Bolinao,  Cape,  205,  232,  297. 
Boston,  150. 
Boston,  The,  174,  180,  193,    194, 

205,  206,  210,  212,  221,  226,  237, 

243, 271, 277, 294, 297, 298, 299, 
303- 

Boston  Navy  Yard,  144. 
Boutwell,  Commander,  118. 
Bowers,  Lloyd  E.,  8. 
Bridgeman,  Commander,  159. 
Brook,  Mr.,  146,  147. 
Brooklyn  Navy  Yard,  the,  141. 
Brooklyn,  The,  66,  113,  115,  116, 

117,  166. 
Brumby,  Lieutenant  T.  F.,  174, 

214,  245,  246,  267,  279. 
Buchanan,  President,  41. 
Buchanan,  Franklin,  n,  12. 
Buck,  minister  to  Japan,  190,  191. 
"Bull  Pup,"  18. 
Burton,  13. 
Butler,  General  Benjamin  F.,  77, 

78,  80,  82,  117,  118,  123,  128, 

132,  133- 

Caballo,  197,  198,  209,  210,  232. 


329 


330 


INDEX 


Cadarso,   Captain  L.,   217,   295, 

306. 
Caldwell,  Lieutenant,  58,  59,  61, 

127. 
Caldwell,  Ensign  H.  H.,  174,  195, 

246,  300. 

Calkins,  Lieutenant,  215,  216, 300. 
Callao,  The,  238,  239,  243,  268, 

277,  278. 
Camara,  Admiral,  257,  258,  259, 

260,  261,  265. 

Canacao  Bay,  200,  203,  297,  302. 
Canandaigua,  The,  139. 
Carlos  V,  The,  256,  259. 
Castillo.,  The,  213,  216,  217,  223, 

29S,  299,  301,  303. 
Cavite,  187,  200,  201,  202,  207, 

212,  214,  215,  218,  226,  232,  234, 

235,  243,  244,  246,  247,  248,  268, 

276,  297,  299, 300, 308, 309, 312. 
Cavite  Arsenal,  198. 
Cayuga,  The,  54,  71. 
Cervera,  Admiral,  251,  259. 
Chalmette,  The,  72. 
Champlain,  Lake,  23. 
Charleston,  The,  170. 
Charleston,  113,  115,  122. 
Charleston,  The,  250,  261,  277. 
Cherbourg,  140. 
Chichester,  Sir  Edward,  31,  249, 

266,  277,  280. 
Cleveland,  President,  24. 
Coghlan,  Captain  J.  B.,  264,  265, 

294. 
Colorado,  The,  54,  123,  124,  125, 

129, 130, 131, 134, 135, 137, 138, 

139,  140,  141,  154,  157. 
Cornstalk,  Daniel,  8. 
Concha,  Commander  de  la,  295. 
Concord,  The,  171,  176,  178,  180, 

194,  2OI,  2O5,  2O6,  2IO,  212,  221, 

223, 226, 237, 243, 264, 276, 277, 

294, 297, 298,  303. 
Constantinople,  26. 
Constitution,  The,  16,  142,  220. 
Conkling,  Roscoe,  151. 


Converse  and  Bassett,  8. 

Coreo,  The,  222. 

Cormoran,  The,  254,  255,  263,  266, 

267. 
Corregidor,    186,   197,    198,   200, 

202,  205,  207,  209,  210,  225,  232, 

264,  300,  303. 
Cromer,  Lord,  260. 
Crosby,  Lieutenant,  58,  59,  127. 
Crowninshield,  Rear-Admiral 

A.  S.,  167,  169,  173. 

Dahlgren,  Rear- Admiral,  113, 115, 
116. 

Darling,  Charles  H.,  184. 

Darmstadt,  The,  256,  258. 

Davila,  Don  Basilio  Augustin, 
225,  247,  248,  273,  274,  275. 

Decatur,  Commodore,  16,  20. 

Denby,  Minister,  285. 

Deutschland,  The,  182,  183,  184. 

Dewey,  The,  156. 

Dewey,  Admiral  George,  ancestry, 
3-5;  boyhood  01,5-9;  appointed 
to  Annapolis,  13 ;  life  at  Annapo- 
lis, 14-22;  fight  with  classmate, 
19;  assigned  to  the  W abash,  23; 
cruise  on  the  W  abash,  26-37; 
meeting  with  the  Princess  Mary 
de  Ligouri,  38;  with  the  Pow- 
hatan  and  Pawnee,  33-36;  com- 
missioned lieutenant,  36;  re- 
ports for  duty  on  board  the 
Mississippi,  47;  executive  of- 
ficer on  the  Mississippi,  50;  at 
New  Orleans,  52-59;  baptism 
of  fire  at  New  Orleans,  61; 
Mississippi  rammed  by  the 
Manassas,  64;  passing  the  forts 
of  New  Orleans,  66-68;  runs 
down  the  Manassas,  69-71;  the 
Mississippi  ordered  to  quar- 
antine, 74;  interview  with  Gen- 
eral Butler,  78-79;  sent  on 
board  the  British  ship  Rinaldo, 
83;  on  board  the  Mississippi 


INDEX 


331 


off  Profit's  Island,  86-87;  run- 
ning the  batteries  at  Port  Hud- 
son,  91-94;  the  Mississippi 
aground  off  Port  Hudson,  93- 
96;  saving  the  crew,  94-97; 
mentioned  in  report  of  Captain 
Smith,  105;  appointed  prize 
commissioner  at  New  Orleans, 
106;  executive  officer  of  the 
sloop  Monongahela,  107;  ac- 
companies Farragut  in  small 
boat  off  Port  Hudson  batteries, 
no;  shell  explodes  on  Monon- 
gahela, 1 11-112;  transferred  to 
the  Brooklyn,  113;  counter- 
mands Captain  Emmons's  order 
to  pilot,  114;  shore  leave  spent 
in  Vermont,  116;  reports  for 
duty  on  board  the  Agawam, 
117;  battle  of  Four  Mile  Creek, 
118;  sent  for  by  Rear- Admiral 
Porter  to  be  executive  officer 
of  the  Minnesota,  119-120;  ap- 
pointed at  request  of  Porter  ex- 
ecutive officer  of  the  Colorado, 
120;  tips  insubordinate  seamen 
out  of  hammocks,  125;  arrest 
of  Webster  by,  126-127;  at 
Fort  Fisher,  131-132;  watch- 
ing assault  and  capture  of  Fort 
Fisher,  136;  promoted  to  rank 
of  lieutenant-commander,  137; 
executive  officer  of  the  Canan- 
daigua,  138;  in  command  of  the 
Colorado,  139;  visit  of  Farragut 
at  Cherbourg,  140;  shore  duty 
at  Annapolis,  141;  marriage  of 
Susan  Boardman  Goodwin, 
141-142;  in  command  of  the 
Narragansett,  144;  in  command 
of  the  Supply,  144;  death  of 
wife  of,  145;  in  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia with  the  Narragansett, 
145-149;  trouble  with  Mexi- 
cans at  La  Paz,  146-148;  na- 
val secretary  of  the  light-house 


board,  150;  meeting  with 
George  Bancroft,  151-153; 
given  command  of  the  Juniata, 
J53;  given  sick  leave,  156;  cap- 
tain, 156;  visits  Stockholm, 
159;  visit  of  King  George  of 
Greece,  159;  chief  of  the  bureau 
of  equipment,  164;  president  of 
the  board  of  inspection  and  sur- 
vey, 165-166;  commodore,  166; 
calls  on  Senator  Proctor  at  sug- 
gestion of  Theodore  Roosevelt 
regarding  command  of  Asiatic 
Squadron,  167-169;  shipping 
ammunition  on  the  Concord, 
171;  appointed  in  command  of 
the  Asiatic  Squadron,  170;  takes 
over  command  of  the  squadron, 
174;  calls  on  the  Emperor  of  Ja- 
pan, 176-178;  news  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  Maine,  178;  at 
dinner  given  to  Prince  Henry  of 
Prussia  at  Hong  Kong,  182- 
185;  visit  of  Prince  Henry  to, 
185;  secret  arrangements  made 
by  for  supply  of  coal  and  pro- 
visions, 189;  purchase  of  the 
steamer  Zafiro,  191;  ordered  to 
destroy  Spanish  fleet,  195;  sails 
for  Manila  Bay,  196;  conference 
with  captains  on  board  the  flag- 
ship off  Manila  Bay,  206;  enter- 
ing Manila  Bay,  208-212;  sights 
the  Spanish  fleet,  212-213;  "You 
may  fire  when  you  are  ready, 
Gridley,"  214;  battle  of  Manila 
Bay,  214-225;  signals  fleet  to 
retire  for  breakfast,  219;  stands 
in  to  complete  destruction  of 
Spanish  fleet,  221;  sends  the 
McCuttoch  to  Hong  Kong,  227; 
given  rank  of  acting  rear-ad- 
miral by  the  President,  228; 
fires  on  German  launch,  244; 
meeting  with  Aguinaldo  and 
dealings  with  insurgents,  245- 


33* 


INDEX 


248;  relations  with  Vice- Admi- 
ral von  Diedrichs,  256-267; 
preparations  for  Camara's  fleet, 
261;  capture  of  Manila,  277-280; 
ordered  to  suspend  hostilities 
and  blockade — peace  declared, 
281;  letter  to  Senator  Proctor, 
285;  appointed  admiral  of  the 
navy  for  life,  286;  sails  for  home 
via  the  Mediterranean,  287-290; 
arrival  in  New  York,  290;  offi- 
cial report  of  battle  of  Manila 
Bay  to  secretary  of  the  navy, 
300;  letter  to  Admiral  Montojo, 
309-310;  letter  to  Secretary 
Long  re  Aguinaldo,  311-312; 
official  report  of  the  capture  of 
Manila,  324-325. 

Dewey,  George  Goodwin,  145. 

Dewey,  Dr.  Julius  Temans,  4. 

Dewey,  Mary,  5. 

Dewey,  Mrs.  Mildred  McLean 
Hazen,  291,  292. 

Dewey,  Simeon,  4. 

Dewey,  William,  4. 

Dick,  Dr.  James  Nicholas,  155. 

Diedrichs,  Vice-Admiral  von,  252, 
257,  262,  264,  265,  266,  267. 

Dixie,  The,  261. 

Dolphin,  The,  1 56. 

Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  The,  213, 
218,  295,  299,  303. 

Don  Juan  de  Austria,  The,  213, 

2l6,  217,  222,  295,  299,  301, 
302,  303. 

Donelsonville,  in. 

Dorchester,  3. 

Douai,  3. 

Duee,  3. 

Duee,  Josiah,  4. 

Duee,  Thomas,  3. 

Dyer,  Captain  N.  M.,  294. 

El  Cano,  The,  295. 

El  Fraile,  197,  198,  209,  210. 

Ellicott,  Lieutenant  John  M.,  202. 


Emmons,  Captain,  113,  114,  115, 

116. 

Esmeralda,  The,  194. 
Evans,  Gunner  J.  C.,  299. 

Fame,  The,  196. 

Farragut,  Admiral,  n,  41,  44,  49,- 
50,  51,  52,  54,  55,  56,  61,  63,  66, 
67,  69,  72,  73,  74,  77,  80,  84,  85, 
86,  87,  88,  104,  108,  109,  no, 
in,  116,  117, 123,  137, 140, 141, 
158,  208,  239. 

Fayal,  154. 

Fear  River,  Cape,  122. 

Ferguson,  J.  H.,  315. 

Fisher,  Fort,  120,  121,  122,  123, 
127,    129,   132,   134,   135,   136, 

137- 

Four  Mile  Creek,  118. 
Fox,  Gustavus  V.,  40,  42,  49,  73, 

104,  105,  1 20. 
Franklin,  The,  140. 
Franklin,      Rear-Admiral,      157, 

1 60. 

Garces,  Senor,  301. 

Garfield,  President,  151. 

Gefion,  The,  182. 

Genesee,  The,  89. 

Genoa,  29. 

George,  King  of  Greece,  159. 

Goldsborough,  Rear-Admiral,  19, 

20,  138. 

Goodwin,  Susan  Boardman,  141. 
Goodwin,    ex-Governor    of    New 

Hampshire,  141. 
Grant,  General  U.  S.,  53,  117, 122, 

133,  137- 

Greene,  Brigadier-General  Fran- 
cis V.,  268,  269,  270,  271,  272. 

Greer,  Admiral  James  A.,  160. 

Gridley,  Captain,  214,  245,  294. 

Guadalupe,  249. 

Guerra,  Commander  de,  295. 

Guerriere,  The,  16,  220. 


INDEX 


333 


Hains,  Major  Peter  C.,  150,  151. 
Hampton  Roads,  n,  24. 
Harriet  Lane,  The,  104. 
Harris,  Charles  B.,  175,  176. 
Harris,  Mrs.,  175,  176. 
Harstene,  Henry  J.,  34. 
Hartford,  The,  42,  57,  61,  66,  67, 

69,  87,  88,  89,  91,  108,  117. 
Havre,  144. 
Hay,  John,  260,  292. 
Hayes,  President,  151. 
Hearst,  W.  R.,  260. 
Helena,  The,  166. 
Henry,  Prince  of  Prussia,  181,  182, 

183,  184,  185. 
Henry,  Professor,  150. 
Herald,  The  New  York,  300. 
Hercules,  The,  239,  299. 
Hewett,  Commander,  83,  84. 
Hong  Kong,  171,  178,  180,  181, 

186,   188,   189,   193,   194,   195, 

207,   224,   227,   237,   239,   240, 

241,  245,  246,  274. 
Hong  Kong  Club,  the,  192. 
Howell,  Rear-Admiral,  36, 37, 167, 

168. 

Hubbard,  Gordon  S.,  8. 
Hudson,  Port,  68,  85,  86,  104,  106, 

107,  108,  no,  112,  208. 
Huger,  Thomas  B.,  75. 
Hughes,  Lieutenant  E.  M.,  222. 
Human,  Commander  I.  L.,  295. 

Immortality,  The,   249,   254,   266, 

277. 

Indiana,  The,  165. 
Iowa,  The,  165,  261. 
Iphigenia,  The,  277. 
Irene,  The,  254,  255,  263,  264. 
Iroquois,  The,  57,  74. 
Irving  House,  the,  13. 
Irwin,  Ensign  N.  E.,  220. 
Isla  de  Cuba,  The,  213,  217,  218, 

222,  232,  295,  299,  301,  303,  306. 

Isla  de  Luzon,  The,  213,  217,  222, 
232,  295,  299,  301,  303,  306. 


Isla  de  Panay,  The,  198. 
Isla  Grande,  264,  301. 
Isabel,  The,  236,  268. 
Ito,  Captain,  160. 
Itsukushima,  The,  254. 

Jackson,  Fort,  46,  54,  78,  79,  85, 

92,  127,  208. 
Jaudenes,    General   Firmin,    273, 

274,  275,  279,  318,  319,  322. 
James  River,  the,  117. 
Japan,  Emperor  of,  176,  177. 
Jenkins,  Captain  Thornton,  no, 

III,   112. 

Johnson,  Captain  Philip,  80. 
Juniata,  The,  153,  155. 

Kaiser,  The,  258,  263. 

Kaiserin  Augusta,  The,  256,  262, 

263. 

Kane,  Doctor,  34. 
Kearsarge,  The,  137, 138, 159,  220. 
Kellogg,  Lieutenant  F.  W.,  220. 
Kiau  Chau  Bay,  175,  181,  185. 
Kindleberger,    Assistant   Surgeon 

C.  P.,  299. 
Kineo,  The,  90,  91. 
Kowloon  dock-yard,  The,  194. 
Kowshing,  The,  160. 

Lamberton,  Commander  B.  P., 
193, 194,  205,  214,  215,  226,  227, 
236,  238,  245,  280,  299. 

Lanier,  Charles,  144. 

La  Paz,  146,  147. 

La  Valette,  Flag-Officer  E.  A.  F., 
23,  26,  27. 

Lee,  Rear-Admiral  S.  P.,  118,  120. 

Leyte,  The,  242. 

Lezo,  The,  213,  222,  295,  299,  303. 

Ligouri,  Mary  de,  28. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  40,  46,  49, 112, 

133- 

Linnet,  The,  254. 
Lockwood,  Henry  H.,  n. 


334 


INDEX 


Long,  John  D.,  167,  169,  173,  178, 

187,  188,  190,  195,  285,  311. 
Louisiana,  The,  74,  78,  127,  128. 
Lowenstein,  Prince,  262. 
Luneta  battery,  212,  277,  279. 
Luzon,  205. 

MacArthur ,  B  rigadier  -  General 
Arthur,  272. 

McCulloch,  The,  188,  194,  210, 
212,  227,  237,  239,  242,  246,  257, 
264,  267,  277,  294,  297,  303. 

McGehee,  The,  72. 

McKinistry,  Captain,  90. 

McKinley,  President,  169,  179, 
228,  252,  284,  285,  286,  287. 

McNair,  Rear-Admiral,  167,  170, 
174. 

McRae,  The,  75. 

Macedonian,  The,  16. 

Mackinaw,  The,  130. 

Madrid,  227. 

Maine,  The,  165,  178,  245. 

Malate,  the  fort,  277,  298. 

Malolos,  286. 

Malta,  155,  160. 

Manassas,  The,  48,  63,  64,  65, 
66,  68,  69,  70,  75,  103. 

Manila,  145,  186,  194,  199,  200, 
201,  202,  204,  205,  207,  211, 219, 
223,  227,  228,  231,  232,  234,  236, 
237,  238,  239,  241,  242,  243,  245, 
247,  248,  249,  257,  268,  269,  272, 
281,  282,  283,  297,  298, 301, 302, 

307. 

Manila,  Archbishop  of,  230. 
Manila  Bay,  12,  13,  50,  129,  172, 

180, 185, 186, 187, 188, 196, 197, 

200,  202,  204,  205,  206,  207,  261, 

297. 

Marcy,  Executive  Officer,  35,  36. 
Mare  Island  Navy  Yard,  171. 
Marques  del  Duero,  The,  213,  217, 

222,  295,  299,  301,  306. 
Marshall,  Charles,  144. 
Massachusetts,  The,  165. 


Mejiid,  Abdul,  27. 

Merrimac,  The,    n,   23,   33,   41, 

H5,  143-  _ 
Merritt,  Major-General,  269,  270, 

271,  275,  276,  279,  283,  284,  317, 

319,  320,  322,  324. 
Metternich,  30. 
Mexico,  war  with,  38. 
Mindanao,  The,  222,  299,  303. 
Minnesota,  The,  120,  130,  131. 
Mirs  Bay,  172,  194,  195,  199,  204, 

297. 
Mississippi,  The,  39,  43,  47,  48, 

So,  53,  54,  57,  60,  61,  62,  63,  65, 

66,  67,  68,  69,  70,  71,  74,  75,  77, 

78,  86,  87,  88,  89,  90,  91,  96, 102, 

104,  105,  117,  156,  208. 
Mississippi,  C.  S.  S.,  78. 
Mississippi  Bay,  48. 
Mobile  Bay,  n,  116. 
Mohican,  The,  171. 
Monadnock,  The,  257,  282. 
Monitor,  The,  33,  41,  57,  143. 
Monocacy,   The,    174,    179,    180, 

189,  191,  194. 
Monongahela,  The,  87,  88,  90, 107, 

108,  no,  in,  112,  117. 
Monterey,  The,  257,  259,  261,  272, 

277. 
Montojo,  Admiral,  204,  206,  207, 

211,  217,  2l8,  221,  222,  227,  233, 

242,  261,  279. 
Morgan,  Junius  S.,  144. 
Morin,  Vice-Admiral,  199. 
Morris,  Henry  W.,  80. 
Mosher,  The,  66,  67. 

Nagasaki,    harbor    of,   174,   175, 

i  op,  254. 

Naniwa,  The,  160. 
Nanshan,  The,  188,  191,  194,  205, 

211,  303,  312. 
Napoleon  III,  29,  30. 
Narragansett,  The,  144,  145,  146, 

147,  148,  149. 
Nashville,  The,  166. 


INDEX 


335 


New  Inlet,  128. 

New  Ironsides,  The,  115, 129,  156. 

New  Orleans,  53,  54,  56,  72,  73,  74, 

76,  83,  86,  92,  93,  106,  107,  121, 

123- 

Newark,  The,  261. 
Newport,  145. 
Norwich  Military  Academy,  7. 

Olongapo,  201. 

Olympia,  The,  3,  12,  158,  160, 
170, 174,  178, 179, 181, 185, 194, 
195,  203,  212,  214,  215,  218,  219, 

220,  223,  225,  230,  231,  234,  237, 
238,  242,  275,  277,  278,  288,  290, 
294,  298,  299,  300,  304,  324. 

Oneida,  The,  57,  71. 
Oregon,  The,  95,  165,  261. 
Oscar,  King  of  Sweden,  159. 
Otis,  Major-General   E.  S.,  284, 
285. 

Partridge,  Captain  Alden,  7. 
Pasig  River,  The,  223,  224,  276, 

298. 

Pawnee,  The,  33,  34,  36. 
Peacock,  The,  16. 
Pei  River,  The,  31. 
Peking,  The,  250. 
Pelayo,  The,  256,  259. 
Pennock,  Captain,  140. 
Pensacola,  The,  53,  54,  57,  61,  62, 

63,  80,  156,  157,  158,  163. 
Perels,  M.,  265,  314. 
Perry,  Commodore,  48,  174,  175, 

176,  177. 

Perseverance,  H.  M.  S.,  31. 
Petrel,  The,  1 74, 178, 194,  210,  212, 

221,  222,  223,  226,  227,  235,  243, 
276,  277,  278,  294,  298,  299, 303. 

Philip,  St.,  Fort,  46,  54,  85,  92, 

127,  208. 
Philippine  Islands,  The,  145,  170, 

175,179,195,232,237,239,251, 

281,  283,  286. 
Pinola,  The,  58. 


"Pope's  Run,"  63. 

Port  Arthur,  181. 

Port  Royal,  113. 

Porter,  David  D.,  42,  49,  55,  58, 

74,  119,  120,  121,  123,  125,  128, 

129, 133, 134,  135, 142, 151, 153- 
"Porter's     Dancing    Academy," 

142. 

Powhatan,  The,  33. 
Prinzess  Wilhelm,  The,  263. 
Proctor,  Senator,  168,  169,  228, 

285. 

Profit's  Island,  86. 
Punta  Restinga,  198,  232. 

Raleigh,  The,  180,  194,  210,  212, 

223,  226,  238,  255,  264,  277,  278, 

294,  298,  300,  303,  324. 
Rapido,  The,  239,  268,  299. 
Read,  Captain  Abner,  108,  in, 

112. 

Read,  Charles  W.,  75. 
Red  River,  The,  76. 
Redcliff e,  Lord  Stratford  de,  26, 30. 
Reed,  Captain,  36. 
Reina  Cristina,  the,  213,  216,  217, 

223,  231,  295, 298,  299, 301, 303, 

306. 

Reine  Hortense,  The  29. 
Reiter,  Lieutenant  George  C.,  147, 

148. 
Rhind,  Commander  A.  C.,   118, 

119,  128. 
Richmond,  122. 
Richmond,  The,  48,  57,  60,  87,  88, 

89,  90,  102. 
Rinaldo,  The,  82,  83. 
Rio,  Captain  Del,  309. 
Robion,  Commander  E.,  295. 
Roosevelt,    Theodore,    167,    168, 

169,  170,  179,  184,  229,  239. 

Sampson,  Rear-Admiral,  139,  228, 

238,  251,  259,  261. 
Sangley  Point,  200,  203,  213,  215, 

221,  223. 


336 


INDEX 


San  Antonio,  Fort,  270,  277,  278. 
San  Francisco,  171,  187. 
San  Nicolas  Shoals,  209,  210. 
San  Quintin,  The,  301. 
Santiago,    204,    219,     231,    261, 

290. 

Schley,  Rear- Admiral,  W.  S.,  164. 
Schurman,  president  of  Cornell, 

285. 

Scott,  Ensign  W.  P.,  300. 
Self  ridge,  T.  O.,  48,  50. 
Severn,  Fort,  10. 
Shepard,  Ensign  E.  M.,  102. 
Sherman,  66. 
Sherman,  General  W.  T.,  123, 151, 

i52»  J53- 

Sidney,  The  City  of,  250. 

Sidrach,  Commander,  295. 

Sinope,  32,  38,  39. 

Smith,  Commander  Melancthon, 
50,  51,  54,  61,  68,  69,  70,  78,  79, 
81,  82,  83,  87,  91,  93,  94,  101, 
102,  103,  104,  105,  108,  no. 

Smith,  Pay-Inspector  D.  A.,  188. 

Solferino,  30. 

Sostoa,  Captain,  226,  227,  303. 

Spaulding,  George,  13. 

Stevens,  Colonel  John,  32. 

Stevens  Institute,  32. 

Stickney,  J.  L.,  195,  214,  300. 

Stonewall,  Jackson,  The,  71. 

Stribling,  Flag-Officer,  44. 

Subig  Bay,  200,  201,  202,  205,  206, 
207,  221,  232,  264. 

Suez,  199,  258,  259,  261. 

Sumter,  Fort,  56,  118. 

Supply,  The,  144. 

Tappan,  Lieutenant,  239,  278. 
Tatnall,  Flag-Officer  Josiah,  31. 
Tecumseh,  The,  117. 
Tennessee,  The,  80,  81. 
Terry,  Major-General  A.  H.,  133, 

134,  137- 

Testa,  Captain,  314. 
Texas,  The,  165. 


Thatcher,  Commodore  H.  K.,  123, 

127,  131,  134,  137,  139. 
Thomas,  Lieutenant-Commander 

N.  W.,  91. 

Thornton,  Executive  Officer,  42. 
Toey-Wan,  The,  31. 
Togo,  Captain,  160. 
Tracy,   Secretary   of  the   Navy, 

161,  163,  291. 
Trinidad,  The,  263. 
Triunfo,  146. 
Tsushima  Straits,  160. 

Ulloa,  The,  221,  223. 
United  States,  The,  16. 
Upham,  Ensign  F.  B.,  174. 

Velasco,  The,  213,  295,  303. 
Venavente,  Lieutenant,  301. 
Vera  Cruz,  34. 
Veruna,  The,  57,  71. 
Vicksburg,  85,  86,  112. 
Virginia,  The,  23. 
Virginius,  The,  145. 

Wabash,  The,  23,  24,  25,  26,  28, 

33,  120,  130,  141,  153,  154,  288. 

Walker-Rawson,  E.  H.,  224,  234, 

273- 
Walker,    Commander    Asa,    171, 

206,  294. 
Wand,  Mr.,  63. 

Warley,  A.  F.,  64,  65,  69,  70,  75. 
Warrior,  The,  33. 
Washington,  227,  240,  257,  280, 

282,  283. 

Wasson,  Martin  V.  B.,  8. 
Watson,  Rear-Admiral,  261. 
Watts,  Mr.,  260. 
Webb,  The,  76. 
Webster,  126. 
Wei-hai-wei,  181. 
Welles,  Gideon,  40,  104. 
West  Point,  10,  12. 
West  field,  The,  104. 
White,  Chief-Justice,  88. 


INDEX  337 

White,  Naval  Cadet,  278.  Woodstock,  8. 

Whittier,  Colonel,  279.  Worcester,  Doctor,  285. 

Wildes,  Captain  Frank,  193,  206,  Worden,  Rear-Admiral  John  L., 

294,  299.  142,  143. 

Williams,  Mr.,  26,  28,  29.  Wyman,  Captain  R.  H.,  137. 
Williams,  Mr.  O.  F.,  186,  194, 195, 

198,  204,  223,  224,  297.  Yalu,  The,  160. 

Wilmington,  122.  Yankee,  The,  261. 

Wilmington,  The,  166.  Yeddo,  Gulf  of,  177. 

Windsor  County  Court,  8.  Yosemite,  The,  261. 
Winooski,  6. 

Wood,   Commander  E.   P.,   235,  Zo/w-0,  The,  191, 194,211,  225,240, 

294,  299.  241,  303. 


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